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vincent

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #80 on: December 01, 2011, 09:21:51 AM »
Oh,yes. The CWG Scam,2G Scam,Adarsh Scam, Bellary mining scam and all other scams are all created by MNC's. We should get rid of these MNC's and other national Capitalists like they did in the Soviet Union and live happily thereafter.
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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #81 on: December 01, 2011, 09:46:36 AM »
Oh,yes. The CWG Scam,2G Scam,Adarsh Scam, Bellary mining scam and all other scams are all created by MNC's. We should get rid of these MNC's and other national Capitalists like they did in the Soviet Union and live happily thereafter.

Politicians are willing facilitators. You can call them whores if you like.

Mediapersons are middlemen. You can call them dalaal/madam(s) if you like.

But whether it is Emaar/DLF (CWG), or Vedanta (Niyamgiri etc) or Tata (Singur/2G) or Ambani (2G), they are all MNCs. Indian-origin, yes, but definitely MNCs. They paid the bribes to get their way.
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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle

feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #82 on: December 01, 2011, 10:13:47 AM »
Any more half-baked, ill-informed, logically-unsound, ideologically-driven, learnt-by-rote-at-MBA-class, strident, juvenile, factually-incorrect, self-serving comments?
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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle

feverpitch

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just refreshing the memory
« Reply #83 on: December 01, 2011, 11:02:42 AM »

http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?265345

LOBBYISTS

Favourite Lobby Horses

Shadow warrior once, the lobbyist is a frontman today, working the government to get corporate leeway

BY SUNIT ARORA , ARINDAM MUKHERJEE , PRAGYA SINGH , LOLA NAYAR , SMRUTI KOPPIKAR , ANURADHA RAMAN


The Lobbying Battlegrounds

  • Retail Pressure-building to further open up FDI in multi-brand retail and more commodities including foodgrain
    Defence Domestic industry keen to acquire state-of-the-art technology is urging raising of FDI bar to 49 per cent
    Mining  Lobbying to stall a new tax proposal even as environmental safeguards and rights of forest-dwellers ignored
    Aviation National carrier struggles to survive as lobbyists ensure better health for private carriers and airport operators
    Telecom The lobbyists’ den, there is influence in every sphere—from licences to spectrum allocation
    Infrastructure Be it power generation or highway construction, policies being tweaked indiscriminately to suit corporates

***

The dinner party is, as always, the perfect setting for the pitch. The big industrialist quietly turns to a man-about-town: would he care to put in a word with the minister about changing the policy for FDI in multi-brand retail? What’s in it for us, asks the man-about-town, meaning the local industry. Pat comes the reply: there’s Rs 20 crore for you if the policy is changed. Later, when the man-about-town checks with the minister, he’s told that the policy change should happen anyway in a couple of months. “It’s going to happen anyway,” the man-about-town repeats to the industrialist. And then, gallantly, “Does money have to change hands too?”
 
That’s a naive question to ask in the new India, many would say. A well-oiled network of big corporate lobbyists is using money, influence and skulduggery to command public policy and attack rivals. Armed with PowerPoint presentations, inside information, sweetheart deals and a dirty tricks department, these lobbyists seem to be running the show in Delhi and Mumbai. Business is meshing with politics in the worst possible way. “It’s a complicated system, almost like a parallel government with its own rules, structures. People are fixed, punished, rewarded,” admits a lobbyist. “But that’s how it is.”
Sure, business lobbying has always been around—Reliance’s V. ‘Balu’ Balasubramanian’s influence in the corridors of power has almost given him a godfather-like status in the lobbyist hierarchy. While he’s just about surfacing after a long exile, there are numerous other instances of lobbyists driving corporate battles in the past. But traditionally, lobbyists in India were shadow warriors, heard of from time to time but never really seen. That has changed. Lobbyists have become public figures, freely mixing with the powers-that-be.

The art of lobbying too has changed—getting things done at any cost has become the way of life. That’s altered the modus operandi of the lobbyists—with designations like “external affairs” and “environment management”, lobbyists increasingly operate directly via PR outfits, discreetly servicing their client’s lobbying needs. Many companies even maintain dedicated teams for lobbying their cause with the authorities. “Corporate influence is becoming stealthier. A more powerful way of lobbying is emerging,” says Sunita Narain of CSE.

The spotlight on this otherwise hidden world comes thanks to a media report which published the tapped cellphone conversations of Niira Radia, a powerful lobbyist who manages both the Tata Group and Reliance Industries, among other clients. The transcripts reveal the lobbyist-politician nexus, and also provide a peek into the extent to which such lobbying can go and the levels at which it works. While it is not completely clear who acted as the whistle-blower, Radia has obviously made enemies among some of India’s top industrialists.

Subsequent transcripts, which surfaced in a section of the media, reveal that Radia was instrumental in ensuring a cabinet berth for the DMK’s A. Raja when the ministerial portfolios for UPA’s second term were being decided. She lobbied with the Congress leadership to get him the telecom portfolio—against the other contender, the DMK’s Dayanidhi Maran. Despite repeated attempts by Outlook, Radia was unavailable for comment.
 
But there was another game at play. Tata Group head Ratan Tata had allegedly put his weight behind Raja and wanted Maran out of the scene at any cost. In fact, he had in a handwritten letter to Tamil Nadu CM M. Karunanidhi in December 2007 reportedly praised Raja’s “rational, fair and action-oriented” leadership. To put the corporate battle in perspective, Airtel’s Sunil Mittal was unhappy with Raja in the seat. Also, by getting the PR mandate of Mukesh Ambani’s business empire in 2008, Radia would have found herself on the hitlist of Anil Ambani, who incidentally is also Tata’s competitor in telecom.

What’s worse is that the transcripts show Radia’s alleged involvement in the much-debated 2G spectrum and licence scam where she is said to have helped some of the new telecom companies obtain their licences. The government, at that time, had maintained a stoic silence for retaining a price of Rs 1,650 crore for a pan-India licence—a price set way back in 2001, when, even by the admission of the regulator, it should have been in the range of Rs 10,000 crore. Within weeks of getting their licences, two new licencees sold out at a much higher value—the size of the scam is estimated at Rs 50,000 crore.

It remains to be seen how Radia prepares her defence to the charges. But one thing is clear: this episode establishes the big hand of lobbyists in business, and the role they play in pushing corporate interests come what may. This unfortunately is evident in various other sectors—from retail, defence and mining to agriculture, power and telecom—where armies of lobbyists are hard at work, trying to influence decisions. “However transparent the rules, there’s always an element of subjectivity,” says a senior lobbyist. That particularly happens with the level of chief ministers of states.

Maharashtra’s decision to allot foodgrain for liquor manufacturers in 2007 is a blatant example of how political and business lobbies worked hand in hand. The prime mover was Amit Deshmukh, younger son and political heir of Vilasrao Deshmukh who imagined this as the next logical step after owning and operating sugar cooperatives. Amit networked with children of politicians across the political spectrum. BJP’s Gopinath Munde’s daughter Pankaja was a key ally, so was NCP’s Govindrao Adik’s son Avinash and Vimal Mundada’s son Akshay.

The policy may have been still in the making had it not been for another group’s involvement. A handful of men, all powerful in the state’s distilleries business, saw foodgrain-based liquor as the best way out of a likely molasses shortage. “At one point, it was difficult to tell who was talking whose language—political sons were talking like industrialists and vice versa,” recalls a senior bureaucrat who sat in on the presentations. While there is an agitation against the policy, production worth an approximate 110 crore litres per year of alcohol—the equivalent of 14 lakh tonnes of foodgrain—has been sanctioned.

In another, more positive example, 29-odd MPs made a pitch in December 2007 for biscuits (instead of hot-cooked meals) to be served as lunch to schoolchildren as part of the mid-day meal scheme. Using the MPs as an instrument was nothing but a pitch by the biscuit manufacturers’ association to influence the course of the Rs 5,000-crore scheme launched to tackle malnutrition and absenteeism among schoolgoing children. Despite using all kinds of pulls and pressures—including the good offices of the daughter of a once formidable minister in the UPA’s first edition—the hot-cooked meals stay. For now.

Such instances unfortunately seem to be the exception as the lobbying interests gain in power and patronage. While counter-lobbying by civil society is building up to an extent, there’s a lot to be afraid about the powerful moneybags that seem to be running the emerging market that is India.

Industry Lobbyists

They know the pulse of the government—and know just where to apply pressure. Apex industry chambers FICCI and CII are the big fish and the most powerful. There are also smaller, but effective bodies—like ASSOCHAM, NASSCOM for infotech, FIEO for exporters, SIAM for car makers—that lobby furiously for duty cuts or policy changes. Then there are icons like CII’s Tarun Das and FICCI’s Amit Mitra who have established a sophisticated and organised approach to lobbying that draws on top CEOs, government and politicians.

Legal Lobbyists

Lobbying may not be part of their official brief, but legal firms are the crucial cog in helping companies deal with regulatory boards and government-appointed commissions. Firms like Dua Consulting, for instance, which are offshoots of their legal practice, do lots of regulatory work, particularly in the telecom sector. The ability to walk the talk in the corridors of Delhi is a preferred USP for top corporate lawyers like Zia Mody, Ryan Karanjawala and Shardul Shroff. In fact, many foreign consultancy firms also hire lawyers by the dozens to help clients lobby. Nothing attracts power more than the felicity of words.

Foreign Lobbyists

There is no way you can discount the role and sheer access of top international lobbyists. Be it Frank Wizner of Patton Boggs, a firm that lobbies for India in the US, who supported India’s “sovereign right” to nuclear enrichment and reprocessing technology. Or Richard Celeste, also formerly a leading diplomat, who encourages trade between India and the US. Or, for that matter, William Cohen, a former US secretary of defence and now a businessman and frequent speaker. Ron Somers of the US India Business Council and numerous trade missions controlled by embassies in Delhi add to the growing numbers that have put India on the global lobbying map.

Niira Radia, Vaishnavi, Neucom, Noesis

Though she lobbies for a few percentage points of India’s GDP, it took 15 years for the mystique around Niira Radia to unravel. For someone whose strengths are described as “commitment levels”, an excellent network of contacts and “knowing which button to press”, that’s no mean achievement. Till the phone-tapping controversy, Radia had always been behind the scenes—barring the lavish annual bash at her farmhouse in Delhi, where cherry-picked invitees from bureaucracy and media are present. Generous to a fault, this British passport-holder assiduously built relationships with top print and TV editors and political parties, particularly the Congress and the DMK. Earlier, she was known to be extremely close to the BJP’s Ananth Kumar and built up an interest in aviation. It wasn’t enough, however, for her low-cost airline Magic Air to take off in 2005.

If some old-timers say Radia is “pushy, on the make”, it mirrors some amount of envy about her absolute hold on Ratan Tata, who “won’t hear one wrong word” about her. The stakes became bigger when she brokered Mukesh Ambani’s open support for Tata in the Singur controversy. Apart from Reliance, she also has clients from the Vedanta group and some of the new telecom licensees. “She’s gone through a lot in the past 15 years, she’s got grit,” says a colleague, who insists she “will survive a valuations game”. Whether this heady mix of politics and business has made her “an obvious target” or not, Radia can’t operate from the shadows any longer.

Deepak Talwar, DTA Associates & Integral PR

By all accounts, he has the right pedigree. This son of a former bureaucrat has top bureaucrats, and the who’s who of Delhi, attending his parties. Operating out of “White House” in Delhi, Deepak Talwar is the “king of the tribe”, the lobbyist who has been in business since 1979—and has an almost magical knack of tabling deals wherever they are, “broking for everything”. He came into his own in the early 1990s, using his proximity to top bureaucrat A.N. Varma to facilitate FDI approvals in the early flush of liberalisation. Using a tremendous network of connections, he has opened doors everywhere—famously for Coca-Cola while dumping Britannia’s Rajan Pillai in the early 1990s—and attracted a rash of MNC clients.

In recent times, Talwar’s proximity to Praful Patel has seen him become a big player in the duty-free space, with the lucrative Delhi Duty Free. He has also got his fingers in various other pies, from defence (with Davinder Dogra’s Hexxcom) to a stake in mobile-number portability JV with Telcordia, which has been facing regulatory issues. “Everyone is trying to bend the rules,” Talwar told NYT in a story on Mukesh Ambani. That’s a telling statement from this consummate dealmaker.

Dilip Cherian, Perfect Relations

“I am like a lawyer who pushes the mandate given to him.” That is a characteristic response from Dilip Cherian, the ‘Page 3’ celeb who networks with political heavyweights, policymakers, the media, industry associations and embassies for clients like Coca-Cola, POSCO and Diageo, among others. Cherian is seen as an influencer, one who opens the right doors for his clients. “We don’t play the money game. It is not our speciality. That is a high-stakes game,” says Cherian, as careful in his choice of words as in his studied casual appearance of white pyjama kurta with ruby-studded buttons.

Instead, he takes pains to stress that his public relations firm treats lobbying as an extension of communication, with the government at one end and with shareholders at the other. Clearly, Cherian’s initial stint of working as consultant to the government, followed by over a decade’s association with CEOs as business editor of the then all-powerful Business India, have helped him work through “the pulls and pressures of policymaking”. He stresses that today 20 per cent of lobbyists are in the “legitimate space”—the task becomes more difficult when individual interests prevail over policymakers.

Amar Singh, Politician

He’s The Man Who Made Things Happen. Propped up by an array of friends in the billionaire club—K.K. Birla, Shyam Bhartia (who pulled him into entrepreneurship) and Anil Ambani—he has swung industrial projects this way and that, tackled Bollywood film nights and handed out quick windfalls from investment gambles. With equal elan, he has then geared up to ask “pertinent questions” in Parliament. But life in Delhi can be tough, even for someone who has clawed his way to the top from anonymity in Uttar Pradesh. At present, Amar Singh is without party, privilege, and not as many friends.

His erstwhile entourage included Anil Ambani, Subroto Roy and, of course, Amitabh Bachchan. Those were the days, when cricket and Sahara, aviation and politics, UP and power projects converged within his portly frame. “Power is patronage and access,” he once famously said. The maverick is yet to make a comeback, but it’s likely to be through the forthcoming Malayalam film, Mumbai Mittai, where he’s acting alongside Dimple Kapadia. Going by the publicity shots he has put on Thakuramarsingh.com, his goggled gaze seems firmly riveted on his co-star.

Suhel Seth, Counselage

Brandman Suhel Seth is a smooth schmoozer, adept at TV appearances, where he pushes his clients without seeming to do so. He’s the guy who can claim to dine with the Big Boys of industry and comes with a USP—the gift of the gab. In the around 25 minutes he was on the phone from London, Seth railed against rival business groups that were recently at loggerheads with the Tatas (his company Counselage handles Tata Group firms). It bears repeating what Seth says about his tribe: “Sab behti ganga mein haath dho rahe hain....” He, however, distances himself from the chatter around Niira Radia—“It doesn’t mean scat to me, her or any other lobbyist”—but alas, not all see it that way. In London, where he’s at present, they’re hearing of the controversy and asking Seth if bribes will be necessary to launch a theatre in India on the lines of RADA. He’s telling them, “No, they won’t be,” but knows otherwise. Such is the tightrope lobbyists must walk everyday. And he has done that for Vodafone, Coca-Cola, Max and many, many others. At his best, Seth has learned that the entire system needs to be overhauled. At his worst, he knows it’ll never happen.

Tony Jesudasan, Reliance ADAG

With that larger-than-life smile and slouchy gait, Tony Jesudasan has quietly walked into the offices of most senior editors for close to two decades now. As Anil’s “man in Delhi”, he knows everyone, from cabinet ministers to bureaucrats to editors. He has worked well on those relationships—over cigars, long discussions on music, lunches at eateries in Khan Market, evening walks at Lodhi Garden, big-money card playing—nurturing them in a low-key manner. In a town that never forgets or forgives, Jesudasan—who joined Dhirubhai’s Reliance from the USIS in the early 1990s—is a powerful influencer of opinion, the quintessential “propa*ist”. While Jesudasan is involved in affairs related to power and gas for ADAG, the K-G Basin gas case in particular, he insists that telecom isn’t a beat any longer. For a man who is most likely to say that he is just an employee and longs to go for a long holiday, Jesudasan remains informed on almost everything, be it files or rivals’ plans.

Rajeev Chandrashekhar, MP

From entrepreneur to independent parliamentarian, Rajeev Chandrashekhar knows how to play the game from all sides. Though he no longer has unbridled access to the corridors of power—his now estranged industrialist father-in-law is related to former NSA M.K. Narayanan—Rajeev is in the unique position of being an industrialist, venture capitalist, opinion- and policymaker and lobbyist all rolled into one. “The issue’s not lobbying, it’s the stakes that are so high that you’re forced into it,” he says. Given his telecom background, the cellular industry chose Chandrashekhar in the early 2000s to argue their case with the government. He succeeded, forcing a policy change and effecting a migration to a profit-sharing regime, the benefits of which the industry is still reaping. Later, as FICCI president, he represented the entire industry’s causes. After selling BPL Mobile to Essar (now Vodafone), he’s searching for the next big deal: his current calling card says hotelier and venture capitalist. But then, he’s also on the lookout for acquiring a media company, one more channel for influencing opinion.

By Sunit Arora and Arindam Mukherjee with Pragya Singh, Lola Nayar, Smruti Koppikar & Anuradha Raman


>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>


http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=46411


Meet the men who are defining Ambani war

Posted: May 09, 2005


Ritu Sarin, Sunit Arora and Dev Chatterjee visit corporate India’s two most active war councils. The final stages of a settlement at the Rs 99,000-crore Reliance Group have turned ugly. Yet again. Just who are leading the battle from the trenches? What is their role and why are they important? The Indian Express profiles the 11 people who are defining the war between brothers Mukesh and Anil Ambani, negotiating on a shifting battleground, and who will eventually determine the final outcome.




TEAM Anil

THE BRAIN
Amitabh Jhunjhunwala
Director, Reliance Capital

IF Anil Ambani’s battle team is smaller than Mukesh’s, that’s largely because of Ambani Jr’s complete faith in Jhunjhunwala. The 47-year-old CA — as treasurer of Reliance Industries Ltd (RIL), he negotiated deals with bankers across the world — is Anil’s main advisor and devises strategies on a daily basis.

In the earlier days of the battle via media, Jhunjhunwala played a pivotal role in “highlighting” issues of corporate governance in RIL and Reliance Infocomm. He has also been representing Anil in the talks for the ongoing settlement process, and is respected by the opposite camp, which has seen Jhunjhunwala in action since the mid-1990s.

Jhunjhunwala, who now remains only on the board of Reliance Capital, is expected to play a key role in Anil’s companies if and when all falls into place.

THE DISTRIBUTOR
Tony Jesudasan
Senior executive vice-president, RIL

THIS smooth-talking networker par excellence often describes his role as a “distributor of information”. Indeed, as a spokesperson for Anil — Jhunjhunwala is the other — the 52-year-old Jesudasan not only interacts with the media, he is also well-connected with politicians, the bureaucracy, as well as investigating and intelligence agencies. Though he has done “relationship building” work for Mukesh, Jesudasan has always been seen as an Anil man. Perhaps Delhi’s most persuasive “background briefer”, he has remained with the company ever since he joined it from the local office of the USIS, even refusing, in the early 1990s, a lucrative offer from Enron.

And in evidence that the Reliance war has degenerated into a cat-and-mouse game for key players, people like Jesudasan, too, feel they are being “harassed” and tailed — a spate of accusatory letters, allegedly endorsed by little-known MPs, have been doing the rounds. So he’s recently changed his mobile number, and has moved from his workplace in Delhi’s Meridien Tower to a swanky office on Aurangzeb Road.

THE STICKLER
Satish Seth
Vice-chairman & CEO, Reliance Energy

AN understated, even austere CA, who like several other Reliance managers has worked with both Ambani siblings, Seth is an indispensable member of the Anil camp now. Known to be a stickler for rules, he has managed the turnaround in Reliance Energy, and is helping the younger brother with legal issues and government connections.

Till recently, his status was in a grey zone, with both sides wooing him. The fact that his absence is being deeply felt by the Mukesh camp is evident in the notices Seth received recently from RIL, asking for the audited results of Reliance Energy.

THE LEGAL EAGLE
Cyril Shroff
Managing partner, Amarchand Mangaldas

He’s an outsider, and insists he’s a disinterested professional, but Shroff is also the legal brain behind Anil’s team. Ever before the fracas between the brothers became public, the well-known corporate lawyer at Amarchand Mangaldas was advising Anil on the legal fight ahead and negotiating with top-notch lawyers to hire them as retainers.

Shroff — a solicitor at the Bombay High Court and Supreme Court — has played a key role in advising Anil on strategies and positions for Reliance board meetings. He has also served on various committees in the RBI and SEBI, and has wide-ranging contacts among regulators.




TEAM Mukesh


THE STREETFIGHTER
Anand Jain
Vice-chairman, Reliance Capital; director, IPCL, Reliance Infocomm

PUGNACIOUS and loyal, Anand Jain has played a role in the saga that matches the insider references to him as Dhirubhai’s “third son”. A childhood friend of Mukesh, Jain led from the trenches — and was sitting across the settlement negotiation table — till Anil’s direct attacks accusing him of being the reason for the problems between the brothers pushed him into the background.

With Mukesh’s unwavering support, Jain, who cut his teeth in Reliance by managing the group’s property purchases, continues to be very active behind the scenes. Though Jain is always at pains to say he has no stake in the ongoing dispute, he has Mukesh’s ear and a tight grip on Reliance’s corporate office. Busy preparing for his daughter’s wedding in June, Jain now studiously avoids the media.

THE BACKROOM GENERAL
Manoj Modi
Director, Reliance Infocomm

HE’S the third link in the troika that runs Reliance today, Mukesh and Anand Jain being the other two. While Modi has adopted a behind-the-scenes approach in the current battle, he is lending crucial support to Mukesh as a strategist.

Considered an excellent negotiator, Modi is a close friend of Mukesh. The de facto CEO of Reliance Infocomm, he packed his bags from his Navi Mumbai office in March when Reliance Infocomm was put on the negotiating table and apparently moving in the direction of Anil. As an efficient implementor of large-scale projects — rolling out Infocomm’s nationwide network and earlier the Jamnagar refinery — technocrat Modi is now operating from the Maker Chambers IV office of RIL in downtown Mumbai.

THE OLD WARRIOR
V. Balasubramanian
Group president, RIL

PROBABLY the oldest player in the ongoing corporate battle, “Balu” — as he is better known — was, till the mid-1990s, described as Dhirubhai Ambani’s alter ego and had the reputation of being his “facilitator”, famously courting ministers with “boxes of mangoes”. In 1998, he suffered a setback when he was implicated in the Romesh Sharma case and later charge-sheeted in the Official Secrets Act (OSA) case against Reliance.

The family feud has seen a resurrection of Balu’s importance, and it is hardly surprising that he is now attending office, full-time, in Meridien Tower on Delhi’s Janpath. He is keenly monitoring the media wars and has recently appointed two media advisors for briefing the Delhi press on Mukesh matters.

Mukesh depends on Balasubramanian heavily to handle the heat in Delhi. The Congress coming back to power has helped the old Reliance warrior — a devotee and key confidant of the Shankaracharya of Kamakoti Peetam — get back his eminence. He knows the party better than most Congressmen.

THE INTELLECTUAL
R.K. Mishra
Director, Observer Research Foundation

FORMER editor and member of Parliament, Mishra is the intellectual face of the Reliance Group. In 1989, he was appointed chairman of the Observer Group of publications, which eventually closed down. Once a CPI-leaning journalist, he has now found his calling as head of the Observer Research Foundation, a sort of think-tank, attracting talent from among former diplomats and security experts, and tying up with America’s Brookings Institution.

Clearly, Mukesh is capitalising on the acumen of Mishra “uncle” as an astute “external affairs” manager. It is well known that a majority of the press releases and white papers issued by the Mukesh camp are vetted by him.

Mishra’s big strength is the capital’s prodigious and powerful “Brahmin network”, which cuts across party lines. He was influential in the P.V. Narasimha Rao years, and only enhanced his clout in the Atal Behari Vajpayee regime.

Said to be close to Brajesh Mishra, he was used by the Vajpayee PMO for back channel diplomacy efforts with Pakistan during the Kargil crisis. (Incidentally, Mishra had an early interest in the gas pipeline initiative.) In the UPA regime, Mishra has good connections with Left leaders, since he was once a fellow traveller.

THE NETWORKER
SHANKAR ADWAL
Vice-president corporate affairs, RIL

MUKESH Ambani’s pointsman in Delhi is described as the “new Balu” (Balasubramanian). The soft-spoken PhD was picked for RIL from Canadian firm Nortel, and is a key implementor in the Reliance saga. His style is described as “durbari” and he runs a large corporate office from Delhi, part of which has recently relocated to the parent company.

Besides the telecom sector, Adwal has gradually groomed himself in the petroleum and finance sectors as well. This part-time astrologer’s strength lies in navigating the wheels of bureaucracy. With the company having to pay hefty penalties and dues to the government for the international call-routing swindle, Adwal has been under tremendous pressure. It is obviously the sort of environment he thrives in.

Of course, Adwal, along with Balasubramanian, was implicated in the OSA case, which is still in progress.

THE ENFORCER
Sandeep Tandon
President, taxation, RIL

A former Indian Revenue Service officer, Tandon is believed to have bailed out Reliance in the 1980s when it faced its first allegations of working through front companies in tax havens. He was then working in the Enforcement Directorate. Soon after the Reliance case was closed, he sought premature retirement and joined the company as its president, taxation.

Anil apparently could never trust him because he was the one who “targeted” Tina Ambani and even raided her before she married Dhirubhai’s younger son. Today, Tandon runs an exclusive taxation and liaison office for Mukesh, where several retired ED and I-T officials are also employed. His wife, Anu, and two sons also work for the company.

Tandon is playing an important role in tackling legal documents and also advises Mukesh on all overseas investments and taxation matters. He handles liaison for the company with the CBDT, CBEC, ED and DRI and so on.

THE NEW FACE
Nikhil Meswani

THE son of Dhirubhai’s first cousin, the late Rasikbhai Meswani, the 38-year-old Nikhil (as well as elder brother Hital) have always been seen as close to the company (read: Mukesh). While both brothers have stayed away from the hurly-burly, that changed two-and-a-half months ago when Nikhil, an executive director in RIL, began interacting with the media.

While this is largely to do with Anand Jain shunning the limelight, insiders say Meswani is being groomed to be the future face of RIL for the media, a role earlier played by Anil. The recent attack by Anil, accusing Meswani of speaking out of turn on the settlement, has, at least for the moment, pushed him into the background.


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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle

feverpitch

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another trip down memory lane
« Reply #84 on: December 01, 2011, 11:23:54 AM »


   
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Review of Book: Get to the Top:The ten rules for social success; by SUHEL SETH; published by: RANDOM HOUSE INDIA, 194 PAGES, 250




The Age of Seth



How vice pays tribute to virtue in contemporary India

By MIHIR S SHARMA

Published :1 December 2011




THERE WAS A PARTY LAST NIGHT in Lutyens’ Delhi, or possibly in South Mumbai, crowded with those who glitter most blindingly in Shining India. Suhel Seth will have been among them. There will be a party tonight, a few kilometres or a thousand from the last one. Seth will be there too, his familiar voice carrying over the crumpled carpets or sodden grass. This is the time in our history that belongs to men like Suhel Seth; a time when, just as intemperance is intellect and fervidity is profundity, such ubiquity is unquestionably success.

Success, or at least ubiquity, is precisely what Seth intends to teach his readers in Get to the Top. But it should be read even by those who have no desire to get to the top—for it unwittingly provides a glimpse of precisely how things work at the top, and what people do to arrive there.

Some people are famous for being famous. Suhel Seth is famous for knowing the famous. They say that fame exacts a heavy price from its bearers, and it appears that part of that price is to be “dear friends” with Suhel Seth. And as the number of his famous friends has grown so large that it would clearly take a book to record them all, Seth has achieved a kind of fame in his own right—mostly as a face on our TV screens, where he is reliably intemperate, fervid and, most of all, ubiquitous, familiar to television viewers from innumerable discussions whose topics are as varied as their dissection is disorganised.

Get to the Top, however, suffers from something like an excess of organisation: each of the “ten rules for social success” bears two or three sub-rules of its own, along with mnemonic mantras for each section, and appendices and exercises for the reader. And yet the book, Seth’s first since he became a household name in those households without enough sense to avoid news television, does not have an introduction. But unlike Seth’s friends, whose names are carelessly strewn through its pages, it very much needs one—because it’s hard to know exactly what to make of it.

Get to the Top is to normal self-help books what Page 3 is to your Facebook feed. Few of us are actually called upon to befriend the famous, which is Seth’s real conception of social success. No doubt the famous and powerful are themselves in the happy position of befriending one another—at farmhouse soirees in Delhi, five-star hotels in Mumbai or first-class cabins somewhere in between—but I doubt they are this book’s intended audience. After all, they could just ask Suhel for advice at tonight’s party.

What’s more, the lessons from such rarefied altitudes are not easily applied in our more terrestrial lives. You might suppose that Seth’s Rule 6, “Don’t try to make important friends”, would be quite easy for most of us to follow, though doing so might not help us achieve the pinnacle of social success. But Seth’s meaning is more nuanced (to put it charitably): he intends to say that “networking” should not be “simply transactional”. He explains, “My famous friends are first my friends,” and provides the reader with a concise list of tips for talking to VIPs (“never be a courtier”; “always feel equal to them”).

If there is something that strikes you as disingenuous in a chapter that urges you to pretend not to be seeking out celebrities in order to achieve success at seeking out celebrities, you are not alone. This off-key clash between tone and motive is the discordant leitmotif that runs through the book. For those of us less able or willing to carry off this cognitive dissonance with Seth’s panache, Rule 6 is thus less helpful than it may have first seemed.

So this is not exactly a self-help book, given that the problems it purports to help solve are those its readers can only dream of facing. What is it meant to be, then? The answer depends on what degree of cynicism you wish to bring to the question.

The most obvious—and most cynical—explanation is that this is a work of career positioning, a hardbound advertisement for its author. In our Suhelian era, where appearance is all and visibility substitutes for substance, every man is his own brand, and cultivating one’s brand equity is the highest of virtues. “Remember,” Seth writes, “whether it’s you, me, *hi or Obama, ultimately we are all brands.” Therefore, he continues, “you make an impression when you’ve created a brand for yourself, and the best way to create this brand is with words.” Among Seth’s many self-declared virtues is that he puts his money where his famous mouth is: he is branding himself as the man who can make you over. His day job is running a firm called Counselage India, a boutique consultancy that advises CEOs how to brand and market themselves. And by night, he has worked to produce this portfolio to showcase his services, stuffed with flattering word-pictures of what a good friend he has been to so many powerful people.

Too harsh? Very well, let us be more charitable.

Consider this possibly useful analogy. In the appliance-starved India of the 1980s, I dreamed of owning a Walkman. The device was unaffordable; but the tattered user manual for it that I bought at a second-hand bookstore on College Street was not. I read it, cover to cover, over and again. I did not expect to own a Walkman, but it is essential to aspiration to prepare yourself for unimaginable good fortune. And in the India of 2011, where aspiration has turned from being a sinful private fantasy to a shared national creed, some of us will linger over Patek Philippe advertisements in glossy magazines; others will devour schedules for Aegean island vacations in equally glossy supplements; and perhaps some of us will read up on the care and feeding of celebrities we would like to someday own, in this almost-glossy hardback.

But perhaps the truth is the most charitable interpretation: that Seth believes this book is useful. Like everyone who, born to the Nehruvian elite, nevertheless managed to survive the disorientation of the Manmohan decades, he is convinced that he has made it on his own (“Rajdeep and Arnab are self-made, like most of my friends”). Social success apparently has nothing to do with being from the best schools and meeting the best people at the best clubs (“I love the good things in life, and I have earned it the hard way”); no, he believes he is invited by famous people to their parties because he has “a strong stand on issues”. The worst kind of circular reasoning is charmed circular reasoning. But if Seth could triumphantly crash the elite into which he was born, can not the rest of us learn from how he did it?

Suhel Seth believes this is a helpful instruction manual, therefore, on how to be Suhel Seth. For those of us with more modest ambitions, however, it is an indispensable document to the time in which we now live: an age in which India’s apparent entrepreneurial dynamism is being replaced with an economy structured around rent-seeking and the sifarishi sycophancy that it engenders, around the discreet sale and purchase of private information at a scale which would make Rajat Gupta shudder. An age—let us call it the Age of Seth—when a closed, Brahminical notion of public discourse appears to have died, but has actually only disguised itself as a culture that prizes mediocrity, insulated from challenge by the same walls of privilege that have protected it all along.

I   T TAKES A CERTAIN SORT OF PERSON to think an autobiography would be a good self-help book. So who is Suhel Seth? And what might have led him to believe that the experiences of his career in advertising and socialising possess this universal value?
If real gurus come from Rishikesh or Haridwar, their secular counterparts hail from Calcutta, like cut-price Greek philosophers who have come west to civilise and uplift the brash Romans of Delhi and Mumbai at seminar halls and dinner parties. Until the late 1990s, Seth was a Calcutta advertising executive of middling importance who had managed to impress a few locally powerful clients, foremost among them Russi Mody of Tata Steel. Seth explains that he first ran into Mody at a friend’s 18th birthday party, and startled the steel man by talking to him of opera. (Seth claims that at the time he had no idea who Mody was, which would have been quite an achievement, given that every half-awake schoolboy in Calcutta knew the legendary Tata Steel MD on sight.) RK Krishna Kumar, of Tata Tea—who calls Get to the Top a “straight from the gut book on values” on the back cover—was another. Seth’s first job was for Ram Ray at the advertising agency Response; he worked on the famous campaign for Aramusk soaps that made the revolutionary suggestion to a doubtful Bengal that smelling nice might have positive consequences for your sex life. It was noticed outside that parochial state, but only just.

A few years later, Seth left Response, and worked for Ogilvy & Mather; then he left Ogilvy and went into business with his brother, forming an agency called Equus. When the Seths founded Equus, they needed a bigger name than their own, which meant looking outside Calcutta. Suhel went to Delhi and rang the New Friends Colony doorbell of Hindustan Lever’s famed head of marketing, Shunu Sen, presenting him with three names as references, the first of which was Russi Mody.

Throughout, he seems to have sensed his destiny was greater than his hometown could arrange for him. Even when he wrote a book on Calcutta, he seemed to be trying to lever himself out of the city: he asked a legendary figure whose name is synonymous with Delhi, Khushwant Singh, to be his nominal coauthor—again, by ringing the doorbell of Singh’s apartment in Sujan Singh Park and charming him into agreement.


In each case, Seth multiplied the possibilities each connection provided. In 1996, Shunu Sen needed references before joining Seth’s company as a non-executive chairman. By December 2002, when Sen died, he was not only non-executive chairman at Equus; he was also Seth’s partner at the two-man management consultancy Quadra. WPP, the international advertising conglomerate with which Sen was associated, had been convinced to invest in Equus—and, barely weeks after Seth first set up Counselage in June 2002, he suggested WPP might be interested in investing in that, too.

In 1999, shortly after he persuaded the Korean carmaker Daewoo to support those who had been widowed by the Kargil War (tagline: “They gave up their lives ... so that we may be safe”), Seth worked on advertising for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee during his successful campaign to be re-elected prime minister. Seth has subsequently cited that effort as his first attempt at people-branding, the skill which he has decided will define his life—and might well define this period in our history. In the Age of Seth, one must judge not only cars, but also people, by their brand. There is no institutional memory of excellence to guide us that is not contaminated by the state or the Nehruvian stasis we wish to leave behind; there is no inherent or indigenous marker of merit that remains unwarped by the churning that eight percent growth exerts on any society. As this book demonstrates all too clearly, Seth learnt before most of us how to turn this tolerance of mediocrity, this importance of impression, to his advantage. The book also shows that he is willing, with genuine generosity, to share his insight with others. But whether or not the rest of us can successfully be taught the new rules of the game, this much is already true: our age bears his imprint—forgive me, his brand.

That Vajpayee campaign marks the point at which Seth seems to have understood the terms of his own era, none more important than its brand-fetishism. The skills that in the 1980s had merely sold soap were now critical components of a social and professional strategy. You might once have been the best adman in the state; you could now be a public intellectual and power-broker. If you learnt, that is, a strange inversion of Immanuel Kant, and treated people as brands. The BJP campaign certainly increased his own brand value by an order of magnitude. A year later, Equus suddenly closed up shop in Calcutta, and Seth moved to Delhi.

Seth did not arrive in Delhi as a complete outsider. His Rule 1, “Be interested and interesting”, contains a sub-sub-rule, “Say thank you”, in which he singles out those people who “introduced” him to Delhi and “embraced him as family”.

The figures he thanks are naturally to be found at the centre of Delhi’s social and intellectual life: the producers Uma Gajapathi Raju and Ramesh Sharma; Mala Singh of Seminar magazine and her husband Tejbir Singh, the nephew of Seth’s old co-writer, Khushwant; and my own (very warm-hearted) former boss, Shekhar Gupta, the editor of The Indian Express—whose Diwali parties Seth later cites as an example of crucial friendship rituals in Sub-rule 2, “Stay loyal”, of Rule 8, “Always help when you can.” Frankly, with friends like those, it is a harder task to not get invited to parties.

Eventually, on your way to “the top”, you must throw some parties of your own; the finer rules for so doing come in the book’s appendix, under the heading “How to be a good host.” Item number six on this list—“Always, always serve food on time”—is perhaps the only part of this book I can unreservedly recommend. But “the secret to throwing a good party” is presented in Rule 3, “Don’t judge people”, where Seth explains who gets invited: “I like them all. And because I like them, they like me. This, my friends, is the real secret of popularity. I like them, not for who they are, but for what they are like.”

This particular bit of myth-making is quite poignant. When the public first heard, in 2010, what we were told were recordings of phone calls made by the previously unnoticed publicist-lobbyist Niira Radia, two pieces of information were picked up by the small cadre of dedicated Suhel-watchers.

The first was that his dog is named Google, because of an ability to find things.

The second came in a conversation between Radia and Ranjan Bhattacharya, the son-in-law of former Prime Minister Vajpayee. Bhattacharya was trying to get Radia to work “loosely” for Sunil Mittal, the owner of the mobile phone company Airtel. (Radia was already working for Mittal’s competitors, Reliance and Tata; she appeared to worry that adding Airtel’s account would lead her other employers to suspect a conflict of interest.) Bhattacharya told Radia where it was he sold the idea to Mittal: “I met Sunil in that idiot—kya hai naam uskaa [whatshisname]—Suhel Seth’s house. He said he couldn’t handle it on his own, and he needed somebody and I mentioned you.”

It is possible, first, that Seth needs to prune his guest list a little if he wants to stick to people that like him for what he’s like rather than who he is. (“My guest lists don’t change with political or economic winds. I have had almost the same set of people at my parties since I can remember.”)

And it is certainly possible that Seth needs to rethink his claim that “no-one I know uses dinner parties for deal-making”. Such parties, the centrepiece, object and celebration of this book, thus might not be attended because they are “eclectic”, but because they are both location and symbol. Sure, deals are done there, and connections can multiply and complicate with gratifying speed, till you get what you came there for. Hence his claim that “when I throw a party, I am always thinking of who would be the most interesting people for my friends to meet.”

But they are also almost emblematic of the denial of complicity that is the essence of the Suhelian era. We meet each other, we insist, because we are friends, and have similar taste in catering. It has nothing whatsoever to do with careers, with contracts, with individual advancement, with demonstrating a wealth of connectedness. Seth’s drawing room is filled with politicians, TV anchors and industrialists, yes—but only because nobody else appreciates his mutton curry like they do.

T   HE TWO HALVES OF SETH'S TITLE are therefore continually at war. His hard-learned “rules for social success” are presented merely as virtuous commandments; the idea that they could be put to a use as tawdry as to “get to the top” would tarnish the book’s high moral tone. We are reminded on every page, though, and without much subtlety, that they helped Seth get to the top. The two metarules of success in our new era of influence are thus laid rather bare: first, find, keep and advertise famous and powerful friends; and second, completely and categorically deny their role in your inevitable success.

It is in keeping with these dictates that the book does not mention one of the most fascinating and curious episodes in Seth’s ascent, his run-in with the BJP-led government over the ownership of Star News. And yet surely that story provides the most valuable lessons for the rest of us about the benefits that now flow from enjoying the company of the great and the good.

In March 2003, the government announced that news channels whose broadcasts originated from India couldn’t be more than 26 percent foreign-owned. The only channel that was affected by this new rule was Star News, owned by Rupert Murdoch. The company had three months to transfer ownership to Indians; days before the July deadline, it announced a new corporation, called Media Content and Communications Services (MCCS), in which Star India—still Murdoch-owned—held 26 percent. A quarter of MCCS went to the industrialist Kumar Mangalam Birla; another quarter to the head of Merrill Lynch India. The remaining quarter was shared between various people with well-known names, such as the actor Jeetendra and the Hindustan Times editor Vir Sanghvi—and along with them, a Delhi-based corporate lawyer, Raian Karanjawala, and his still relatively unknown friend, Suhel Seth, who got five percent each. (Seth on Karanjawala, in Sub-rule 1, “Don’t get territorial”, of Rule 8, “Always help if you can”: “My friend, lawyer Raian Karanjawala, often says that I have introduced him to three times as many people as he has introduced me to, in spite of the fact that he’s supposed to be the connected guy!”)

Sanghvi apart, none of the smaller shareholders were in the news or finance businesses; and the company’s paid-up capital was reportedly tiny, 100,000. However poor your news coverage, however young and inexperienced your journalists, that seems like a suspiciously low number. Nor were the terms on which the smaller shareholders got these shares generally known, unless it was “Always help if you can”. Star’s competitors, unsurprisingly, accused it of setting up a front company, with investors who were dummies for Murdoch. (If so, in contravention of Rule 6, Sub-rule 3: “No favours.”)

At which point Birla, the only MCCS shareholder with a real business empire, developed cold feet. The deadline was looming; it looked like Star News would be shut down, until Seth dramatically announced that he would acquire Birla’s shares himself, increasing his holding to 30 percent. An advertising executive three years out of Calcutta, but with a few dear friends, had become the largest shareholder in India’s biggest news channel.

Seth, bulldog-like, refused to be cowed by the furore. “I am always investing in companies,” he said in one interview. In another: “It was completely funded from my bank account. And if you are referring to me being a front man for somebody, then my answer is no, unfortunately no. I wish I was! It is all my money.” And again: “If MCCS is a shell company, why would government of India give it permission [to exist] in the first place?” (Was he following Sub-rule 1, “No agenda”, of Rule 1, “Have an opinion”? Or perhaps Sub-rule 1, “Defend your friends”, of Rule 4, “Never pass on the b***hing”?)

The Government of India denied MCCS permission to exist pretty swiftly, saying a single Indian entity needed to be the majority owner. Seth, looking to all the world like an Internet poker-player bidding with mad-eyed excitement at his first real tournament, declared loudly that he was willing to take his stake up to 51 percent.


Within a few weeks things were sorted out: all the various Indian names on MCCS’s ownership registry, including Seth, were replaced by one, as Calcutta-based publishers ABP bought the entire non-Murdoch stake—for 740 million. ABP, of course, is owned by long-time Seth friend Aveek Sarkar, who gets a special mention in the book’s acknowledgements “for being the connoisseur he is and for keeping me interested in watches, dials, and the like”.

Perhaps it is indeed the case that Suhel Seth seeks out well-connected people because they are interesting, their deep pockets and power being but incidental. As he says in Rule 1, “Be interested and interesting”: “After all, when was the last time you wanted to sit down to dinner with the freshly minted paan masala owner.... It’s not the absence of wealth that makes them unappealing but the fact that they don’t make much of an impression in most circles.” Or perhaps paan masala owners are insufficiently interested in dials and the like.

I   N THE WORLD ACCORDING TO SUHEL, you are your brand, but the Suhel Seth who has written this book sounds very little like the choleric man with ruddy face, tangled grey hair and pocket square we see on TV. Like many a school and college debater from Calcutta (“Let me tell you, I didn’t just love debating, I was bloody good at it”), the real-life Seth unerringly chooses the good one-liner at the expense of good sense. He insists that this quality has been crucial to his success—“I am able to deliver one-liners in a manner that they will be remembered”—but there aren’t many of them in this gracefully-edited book.

Still, his uncontrollable tactlessness shows through here and there. Consider an example he presents to illustrate how to deftly compliment famous people: “There is no point telling Vijay Mallya that he is an astute businessman. He knows that. What will make him happier is if you tell him he has great taste in art and women (though perhaps not necessarily in that order) because this is something few tell him.” That sounds perilously close to a brilliantly subtle insult—definitely too subtle for Mallya, whose claim that this book is “the Bible for social success” adorns its front cover.

But even this can’t touch the high bar for sensitivity Seth has set elsewhere, particularly in his “advice” column for Graphiti, the Sunday magazine of the Aveek Sarkar-owned Telegraph.

Calcutta is far from a humourless city, but it didn’t respond well to his advice to the financially straitened mother of a seven-year-old autistic child enquiring about possibilities for cheap care: “Frankly I do not have a clue. Try sending him to Delhi and I will try and see if he can become a Member of Parliament. Most of those clowns are autistic even though they pretend to be normal!” We may contemplate the existence of an unwritten Rule 11: “Kindness is wasted on the unconnected.”

Or consider another piece of advice—rich with the grating insistence on fine class distinctions that the book pretends to forswear (as in Rule 6, Sub-rule 1, “Lowest common denominator”, which advises the reader to “look for the simplest qualities that you share with the person, and not focus attention upon the type of house they live in or the brand of car they drive”)—which Seth dispensed to a lovelorn Calcutta teenager: “I don’t think your kind of guy can hope to get someone from Loreto House (like we did) so I would suggest you settle for Ashok Hall or Rani Birla or some other fine place and see if you get lucky.”

It’s only funny if you know that Ashok Hall and Rani Birla, both Birla-run girls’ schools, are believed by snobs to enrol students from a less elevated class than the Catholic-run Loreto House. OK, it isn’t funny even if you know that. And when the headmistress of Ashok Hall—nobody, after all, can be quite as humourless as the headmistress of a girls’ school—wrote in to complain, Seth breezily apologised. He added: “I have, at the invitation of your predecessors and your managing trustee (Manjushree Khaitan), been to Ashok Hall as a guest speaker many times.” It is good to have dear friends.

The Seth of the book floats loftily above such boorishness, even if it is now inseparable from Seth the brand. One aspect of his television persona is addressed, though: his ability to form an opinion instantly and defend it doggedly. This, as we have seen, is something he attributes to the soul-warping requirements of college-level debates. I’m not going to speculate as to whether this is actually why he’s at the best parties; I will merely point out, with no bitterness at all, that many similar debaters haven’t got a single decent invitation recently.

But it certainly is why his friends on news TV love him. He is available at a moment’s notice to condemn or defend, red-faced and acerbic—does public discussion in the Suhelian era require anything more?

After all, understanding today’s India means knowing that fortunes and contracts and careers—each of them foundational for the India we are creating—are now made at quiet five-star lunches or over whispered deals in Lutyens’ bungalows. Thus the ambition to be a Suhel. Our poverty of impersonal norms—our dislocation from any markers of merit beyond personal recommendations or circumstances of birth—not only deprives us of the ability to judge whether the best person has won a job or a contract, it also forces us to settle for indignation instead of insight in our public debates. Thus the ability to become a Suhel.

Who has the time to fact-check all the pontificators on TV? And who on TV has the resources—or, sadder still, the inclination—to find people who exhibit good sense rather than what Seth demands we possess instead: a loudly stated opinion? Even when one of these shouted arguments makes sense—such as, say, criticising the protests against the proposed Tata Nano plant in West Bengal—who will know, or care, if that opinion comes from authentic conviction or from someone who has a long-term contract to manage Tata’s image? You can’t help worrying that Sub-rule 1 of Rule 2, “No agenda”, is really more of a gentle suggestion.

These two poisons—mediocrity and compromise in public discourse, and mismanagement and cronyism in public policy—go hand in hand. As Seth himself says in Get to the Top, while attempting to explain his strange about-turn on the merits of Narendra Modi (whose state may or may not be home to a Tata Motors plant—I don’t have time to check): “Your opinions about things should be deep rooted ... you must not simply see them as a useful tool for social advancement.” The careful eye of Seth’s editor must have wandered there for a moment, because that “simply” gives the whole game away.

In any case, using your opinions as tools for social advancement is an option granted only to those whose pronouncements are treated with respect regardless of how they’ve been concocted. This might be why Seth insists you must always have an opinion: it helps to create a fog of utterances so dense it can conceal whatever you’re using your opinions for. Hence the imperative to say something, anything, no matter how ill-informed or embarrassing.

And that underinformed babbling will be celebrated as the rarest drops of unalloyed wisdom by those archpriests of our public debate, the anchors on 24-hour news TV. Of all the Suhel Seth moments I had to endure in my previous career as someone paid to watch them, his contrived explanations for the London riots on Times Now with Arnab Goswami were among the most painful. Were the causes of the riots economic, or social? Both: “They are economically linked but it does have undertones of racism which always existed.” So far, so good. But then this blather: “Now the ones who are really racist have a reason to say that, look we are only protecting our people first, who are losing jobs, unemployed and being overtaken by other hardworking communities.”

Before viewers could wrap their heads around Seth’s implausible suggestion that only angry white racists were rioting, he followed up with a rapid-fire sequence of non sequiturs that could have come straight from the mouth of Enoch Powell: “London is now inhabited more by Arabs than the English—there was nothing Londonish, or English, about London any more.” Yes, the immigrants are “not restricted to the community areas any more. They have spread wide and far.” And, sensing the awed disbelief of a national audience, this last, desperate, completely invented fact: “The only branded showroom attacked was Sony, during which racial slurs were hurled.” As an old Walkman devotee, I refuse to believe that anyone hurled any slurs at a Sony. And as someone who read more than the headlines during the days that England’s cities burned, I know that pretty much every branded store was attacked.

But such objections merely glance off Seth’s thick armour of indifference. It doesn’t matter, he argues, if you are a blithering idiot when asked for your opinion: “It is not important what your opinion is. What is important is that you do not come across as someone who has nothing to say.” Seth, the master people-brander, does not address the peril of having an opinion and expressing it vociferously, and yet still coming across as someone who has nothing to say. The possibility appears to never have occurred to him.

T   HE AGE OF SETH is not without its discontents, and Seth has not managed to Get to the Top without Making a Few Enemies. Sadly, not all of them are sensible. Among Seth’s favourite whipping-boys is the Calcutta-based tobacco and hospitality conglomerate, ITC, and especially its current chairman, YC Deveshwar.
In Get to the Top he uses Deveshwar as his chosen example for Rule 4, “Never pass on the b***hing”, specifically Sub-rule 2, “b***h with conviction”, where he writes:

Allegedly using the services of two gentlemen who were close to the then Enforcement Director, MK Bezbaruah, Deveshwar ensured that while his colleagues were in jail, he remained outside prison. There are also many tales circulating of his pettiness and how he has turned ITC into his fiefdom. I have spoken and written against him continuously and am willing to be sued by him.

He hasn’t held back on Twitter, either, where he allegedly told his 75,000 followers that Deveshwar will “teach an insider training course at Tihar School of Business”. One needs to say “allegedly” because that tweet has recently disappeared, and Seth has since tweeted that “my account is being constantly hacked into ... some of the tweets ascribed to me, sadly are not mine.” Shortly thereafter, ITC—not Deveshwar—sued Seth for defamation, seeking damages of 2 billion with the rather ridiculous claim that “senior managers” have expressed “deep resentment” at Seth’s opinions.

This sordid bit of litigiousness reveals a subtle but insidious peril attached to practical Suhelism: no matter how authentic or open your statements of friendship or hostility appear, it is all too easy to presume they reflect ulterior motives or instrumental aims. ITC has accused Seth of turning against the company after he lost their account in 2007; he could credibly and truthfully observe that he wasn’t a fan of their chairman well before that date, but amid the blinding fog of opinion and exaggeration that blankets the era, too few people will be able to recognise the truth of that statement.

The ultimate irony is that this very book is, in its own way, also a casualty of the era its author defines. After all, Seth the writer comes across as good-natured, thoughtful, loyal, even kind. Nor are his rules for friendships anything but sensible. Yet, as we have seen, it is impossible to read the book without considering the world whose values it reflects—a context that fatally undermines all its pretensions to virtue. What good are loyalty and friendship if their true purpose is advancement?

There is nothing inherently contemptible in the much-sanctified claim that goodness will be good for you. But there is a fine line between self-help and self-serving, and this book can’t seem to stay on the right side of it. It wants to teach you how to make friends, but it keeps on telling you how to find clients.

Seth says his most important rule is: “Don’t make clients out of friends. But make friends out of clients.” Yet Suhel is friends with “almost everyone there is to know in the country”, or so the book’s jacket informs us. This may finally provide the explanation for why Get to the Top exists: he’s made friends at such a phenomenal rate that he must be running out of clients.



Mihir S Sharma trained as an economist and political scientist in Delhi and Cambridge, Massachusetts. He is editor of the opinion pages at the Business Standard.
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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

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k-slice

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #85 on: December 01, 2011, 11:41:00 AM »
fever, aapko kahin K-ban kaat gaya kya? 8) ( the shades the smiley is wearing were made in Ulhasnagar, using plastic that was locally produced by a cooperative) ;D
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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #86 on: December 01, 2011, 12:00:31 PM »
fever, aapko kahin K-ban kaat gaya kya? 8) ( the shades the smiley is wearing were made in Ulhasnagar, using plastic that was locally produced by a cooperative) ;D

nahin bhai. what did I do to you that you wish me to catch rabies? waisey, mere paas to shades bhi nahin hain... ulhasnagar to duur ki baat hain...

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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

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vincent

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #87 on: December 01, 2011, 12:08:29 PM »


Top 10 Conspiracy Theories

  Dinosauroid-like Alien Reptiles are dominating the World

BBC reporter David Icke claims that humanity is actually under the control of dinosauroid-like alien reptiles who must consume human blood to maintain their human appearance.

"Evidence" for his conspiracy theory goes from Sumerian tablets describing the "Anunnaki" (which he translates as "those who from heaven to earth came"), to the serpent in the Biblical Garden of Eden, to child abuse, fluoridation, and the genealogical connections between the Bush family and the House of Windsor.

Icke theorizes that the reptilians came here from the constellation Draco. Like most conspiracy theories, falsification of Icke's hypotheses is nearly impossible, but Icke continues to sell books and give speaking engagements based on concepts ranging from the New Age to his political opinions.




  Apollo 11 Moon Landings were faked by NASA

A classic among conspiracy theories, proponents of the Apollo moon landing hoax accusations allege the moon landings never took place, and were faked by NASA with possible CIA support. Enthusiasts of this theory claim that:
•  The astronauts could not have survived the trip because of exposure to radiation
•  The photos were altered: the Crosshairs on some photos appear to be behind objects, rather than in front of them where they should be
•  The quality of the photographs is implausibly high.
•  There are no stars in any of the photos, and astronauts never report seeing any stars from the capsule windows.
•  Identical backgrounds in photos that are listed as taken miles apart.
•  The moon's surface during the daytime is so hot that camera film would have melted.
•  No blast crater appeared from the landing
•  The launch rocket produced no visible flame.
•  The flag placed on the surface by the astronauts flapped despite there being no wind on the Moon.

  September 11 was orchestrated by the U. S. government

A number of urban myths, alternative hypotheses and conspiracy theories have been formulated to explain the events of September 11th:
•  The U.S., Israel or Iraq government orchestrated the attacks themselves.
•  The Twin Towers fell straight down, at close to free-fall speed. This is a similar characteristic of a controlled demolition. The dust cloud and its make up are considered un-characteristic of a gravity-driven collapse.
•  It is often pointed out that no steel building before or since the 9-11 attack has collapsed as the result of fire.
•  The rubble of the Twin Towers smoldered for weeks after the collapse. This claim is meant to point out that steel could only have smoldered as a result of pre-placed explosives.
•  Some consider photographic evidence of the plane lying on the grounds of the Pentagon to be ambiguous and unconvincing, citing a visual lack of burnt metal, human remains, passenger's luggage or seats.
•  The Pentagon was struck in a newly renovated, reinforced section. Some speculate this location, the west side of the complex, to be indicative of government involvement, noting it as an attempt to reduce casualties.
•  Flight 77 was able to fly in the direction of the DC and Pentagon area for approximately 40 minutes without interception. This is thought to be unusual given the Pentagon's close proximity to Andrews Air Force Base.
•  There are claims that anti-missile batteries at the Pentagon should have intercepted Flight 77.
•  The FBI confiscated a video, which may have captured the impact, from a nearby gas station attended by Jose Velasquez. This video has not yet been released.

  Barcodes are really intended to Control people

Some conspiracy theorists have proposed that barcodes are really intended to serve as means of control by a putative world government, or that they are Satanic in intent.

Mary Stewart Relfe claims in "The New Money System 666" that barcodes secretly encode the number 666 - the Biblical "Number of the Beast".

This theory has been adopted by other fringe figures such as the "oracle" Sollog, who refuses to label any of his books with barcodes on the grounds that "any type of computer numbering systems MANDATED by any government or business is part of the PROPHECY of the BEAST controlling you."

  Charlemagne never existed, is a fictional character

Phantom time hypothesis is a theory developed by Heribert Illig which suggests that the Early Middle Ages (614–911 CE) never occurred, meaning that all artifacts attributed to this time period were from other times, and all historical figures were outright fabrications.

One consequence of Illig's hypothesis is that Charlemagne never existed but is a fictional character. The vast majority of historians believe this theory to be complete fiction, as all cited evidence can be considered circumstantial.

  The Truth is out there, on Area 51

The secretive nature of Area 51 and undoubted connection to classified aircraft research, together with reports of unusual phenomena, have led Area 51 to become a centerpiece of modern UFO and conspiracy theory folklore. Some of the unconventional activities claimed to be underway at Area 51 include:
•  The storage, examination, and reverse engineering of crashed alien spacecraft (including material supposedly recovered at Roswell), the study of their occupants (living and dead), and the manufacture of aircraft based on alien technology.
•  Meetings or joint undertakings with extraterrestrials.
•  The development of exotic energy weapons (for SDI applications or otherwise) or means of weather control.
•  Activities related to a supposed shadowy world government.

  Microsoft sends messages on Wingdings Font

The Wingdings Font included with Windows has a history of controversy. In 1992, only days after the release of Windows 3.1, it was discovered that the character sequence "NYC" in Wingdings was rendered as Skull and crossbones symbol, Star of David, and thumbs up gesture. This could be interpreted as a message of approval of killing Jews, especially those from New York City.

Microsoft strongly denied this was intentional, and insisted that the final arrangement of the glyphs in the font was largely random. Various other combinations of Wingings characters are alleged to have special significance by conspiracy theorists, but these results are likely purely coincidental.

  U.S. military caused the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami

Popular Arab news services claim the U.S. and Indian militaries deliberately caused the Indian Ocean tsunamis with electromagnetic pulse technology.

Another type of theory bases its claims on oil and gas interests. Others also reason that the technology is at least feasible if not highly probable since research into such technology has been conducted by the military as far back as World War II.

  The Nazis had a Moon Base

Esoteric Hitlerists and conspiracy theorists interested in Nazi mysticism and World War II have speculated that the Germans landed on the Moon as early as 1942.

According to other theories it is believed that the Nazis had made contact with 'half a dozen' alien races, including the malevolent Reptilians.

  Kentucky Fried Chicken makes black men impotent

It is sometimes claimed that the Kentucky Fried Chicken franchise is owned by the Ku Klux Klan, and the chicken is laced with a drug that makes only black men impotent.

Ironically, the KFC franchise is actually owned by an African-American.
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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #88 on: December 01, 2011, 12:20:32 PM »
Vincent, I hereby nominate you the funniest man on this DG. Hope that makes you happy.

I just hope your above "conspiracy theory" post is not meant as a reply to my earlier MNC post. If so, I pity you.
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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle

k-slice

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #89 on: December 01, 2011, 01:15:03 PM »
fever, aapko kahin K-ban kaat gaya kya? 8) ( the shades the smiley is wearing were made in Ulhasnagar, using plastic that was locally produced by a cooperative) ;D

nahin bhai. what did I do to you that you wish me to catch rabies? waisey, mere paas to shades bhi nahin hain... ulhasnagar to duur ki baat hain...
Boss shades to aapke Socialist neta-log bhi pehente hein. ;D Ulhasnagar ka maal Kolkata mein bhi prapt ho sakta hain. woh bhi indian logistics ka upyog karke.
as for rapies, if he hasnt bitten you why are your posts now becoming novels? [god]
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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #90 on: December 01, 2011, 01:20:26 PM »
Boss shades to aapke Socialist neta-log bhi pehente hein. ;D

bhai mere, main socialist ho sakta hoon, neta nahin...

Ulhasnagar ka maal Kolkata mein bhi prapt ho sakta hain. woh bhi indian logistics ka upyog karke.

i have no problems with DHL if they deliver on time. i prefer Indian Postal Service's Speed Post though, because experience tells me that aside from sending abroad and between metros, nothing beats Speed Post for efficiency and price.

as for rapies,

i hope that was not a Freudian slip  ::Whip::

if he hasnt bitten you why are your posts now becoming novels? [god]

ah... but they are cut-paste jobs, not my own magnum opuses...
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"In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, all life presents as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation."

Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle

k-slice

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #91 on: December 01, 2011, 01:24:34 PM »
Boss shades to aapke Socialist neta-log bhi pehente hein. ;D

bhai mere, main socialist ho sakta hoon, neta nahin...

Ulhasnagar ka maal Kolkata mein bhi prapt ho sakta hain. woh bhi indian logistics ka upyog karke.

i have no problems with DHL if they deliver on time. i prefer Indian Postal Service's Speed Post though, because experience tells me that aside from sending abroad and between metros, nothing beats Speed Post for efficiency and price.

as for rapies,

i hope that was not a Freudian slip  ::Whip::

if he hasnt bitten you why are your posts now becoming novels? [god]

ah... but they are cut-paste jobs, not my own magnum opuses...
Bharatiya Daak is truly a working miracle. The place i live in pune has some insane numbers allocated to the postal address. The postman knows his entire route inside out. its crazy. I once received a letter addressed to me with my name and the area code i live in. i was bloody amazed so i asked the dude how he knew where it went. The guy knew EVERYTHING about me! kinda sary. he knew where i went to high-school as he had delivered my results, he knew the colleges i had been accepted to as he had delivered those letters, he knew where my sister stayed as she mailed stuff. WOW! and this is not a one-off braniac postman, this is common.
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GreenHorn

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #92 on: December 01, 2011, 01:58:55 PM »
My key point was India is light years behind the kirana/retail technology because of the prehistoric supply chain system which does require some REAL Technology to get to modern age and help those poor farmers (suppliers) and the helpless consumers.

Then why not use government interference, maybe in terms of new legislation, to improve the supply chain. Why throw the baby out with the bathwater?

True,but that would lead us back to centralized agrarian economy or non-economy. What the government could do is to encurage and support the formation of state level co-operatives,build infrastructure like roads,cold storage units,cold transportation trucks etc. The only such co-operative that is successful today is the one for milk in Gujarat.As you know for Grains the government tries to provide the supply chain. But then look at the amount of grain that is wasted in Punjab while rotting in the sun and rain outside. The entire state of Karnataka has only one cold storage unit near the airport in Bangalore. It is supposed to "help" exports. But by the time the produce gets to this cold storage unit it gets rotten already.

Wal-Mart does not carry any fresh produce.. Vegetables, fruits none. If at all in few locations & rarely.. people do not go to Wal-Mart to buy vegetables. So it won’t create the supply chain that will eliminate the middlemen and ensure the farmers full benefit of their produce.

Except perishable produce they carry everything so you go to one shop to get any spare parts or main hardware. In India they need this concept. It will make life much easier & shopping a pleasure. Today in India if you want to buy one auto or electronic spare parts you have to run around a lot. In large cities the transportation finding the place & parking is a hassle especially near these small shops. 

Some in India should start this kind of retail chain if they don’t want to Wal-Mart & made in China hardware.

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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #93 on: December 03, 2011, 09:42:06 AM »
My key point was India is light years behind the kirana/retail technology because of the prehistoric supply chain system which does require some REAL Technology to get to modern age and help those poor farmers (suppliers) and the helpless consumers.

Then why not use government interference, maybe in terms of new legislation, to improve the supply chain. Why throw the baby out with the bathwater?

True,but that would lead us back to centralized agrarian economy or non-economy. What the government could do is to encurage and support the formation of state level co-operatives,build infrastructure like roads,cold storage units,cold transportation trucks etc. The only such co-operative that is successful today is the one for milk in Gujarat.As you know for Grains the government tries to provide the supply chain. But then look at the amount of grain that is wasted in Punjab while rotting in the sun and rain outside. The entire state of Karnataka has only one cold storage unit near the airport in Bangalore. It is supposed to "help" exports. But by the time the produce gets to this cold storage unit it gets rotten already.

Wal-Mart does not carry any fresh produce.. Vegetables, fruits none. If at all in few locations & rarely.. people do not go to Wal-Mart to buy vegetables. So it won’t create the supply chain that will eliminate the middlemen and ensure the farmers full benefit of their produce.

Except perishable produce they carry everything so you go to one shop to get any spare parts or main hardware. In India they need this concept. It will make life much easier & shopping a pleasure. Today in India if you want to buy one auto or electronic spare parts you have to run around a lot. In large cities the transportation finding the place & parking is a hassle especially near these small shops. 

Some in India should start this kind of retail chain if they don’t want to Wal-Mart & made in China hardware.

Walmart does sell fresh produce all over the US Mid West, in superstores as well as in Green Walmarts. However, adapting to another product category in a different market may not be that big a problem. After all, that's what MNCs are for, sell everything from shoelaces to diamonds.

However, I'm increasingly of the opinion that even more than agri, their target is manufacturing. Agri may well be the red herring.
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k-slice

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #94 on: December 03, 2011, 11:38:26 AM »
fresh produce is always a loss-leader in super markets in india.  with an average of 10-20% margin, if a store gets its indent wrong and dumps more than say 5% of its total inward produce, it is going to lose. these losses are best made up by private label products or by the basic assumption that a person will not just buy veggies but also supplementary stuff.
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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #95 on: December 03, 2011, 02:58:44 PM »
fresh produce is always a loss-leader in super markets in india.  with an average of 10-20% margin, if a store gets its indent wrong and dumps more than say 5% of its total inward produce, it is going to lose. these losses are best made up by private label products or by the basic assumption that a person will not just buy veggies but also supplementary stuff.

Quite so. It's also the reason for major retailers' investing in so much research in preservation and longer lasting varieties of veggies, leading to some  good as well as a lot of spurious and potentially harmful products.

But in any case, manufacturing—of textiles, leather produce, handicrafts, drugs (I can't think of what else in a hurry now)... will become the real target in India, as China, Bangladesh and African countries start taking over jobs here.
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GreenHorn

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #96 on: December 03, 2011, 05:58:39 PM »
fresh produce is always a loss-leader in super markets in india.  with an average of 10-20% margin, if a store gets its indent wrong and dumps more than say 5% of its total inward produce, it is going to lose. these losses are best made up by private label products or by the basic assumption that a person will not just buy veggies but also supplementary stuff.

Yes..In India it’s difficult to compete in the open market  where the fresh produce are sold very cheap. Even  the cart vendors  in big cities  bring it to your home so you do not have to run to get the weekly supply .I don’t think Wal-Mart will enter the produce market in India where the local giants like Reliance backed out in few states and others not making  money. It’s like assuming Infosys will enter Pakistan and start life insurance business.

There was a statement  from a minister that it will bring down the inflation. How? That is mis-leading the public.. has Wal-Mart announced that they will enter Indian produce market?

 
There was one more statement from the finance claiming Indian stock market crashed because Overseas Indians cashed out and FDI move will help. There are many reasons why the market is down ,One main reason overseas investors  backed out from  the Indian stock market  ever since KYC was introduced.  KYC is a good thing  to stop the Money Laundering but the way it’s implemented and handled is bad. I know lot of  investors are scared to send their documents to some of these private companies where they misplace the documents regularly  & are corrupt.

AH was supposed to start one more agitation but this FDI noise seem to have diverted that attention.
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inoc

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #97 on: December 08, 2011, 10:55:40 PM »
Coming back after a long time.

Some of you guys have got this upside down. It is not a question of whether Walmart etc are allowed in to India. The Indian business houses in the retail market will use exactly the same tactics as Walmart (as someone posted, it isn’t a secret is it?) and are preparing to do so.

MNC retail giants will possibly have more money power, or willing to invest more money immediately to start the changes earlier.  Which in turn might benefit whoever is supposed to benefit in this regard - read farmers not middlemen, by increasing less loss/waste.

The biggest problem in India to start a large-scale improvement in mass produce is land acquisition.

Indian companies producing non land oriented produce are already competing with foreign companies at the moment. There is going to be no change there. Anything you buy in India is made in China already if it is cheaper. You do not need Walmart for that.

To improve productivity, in the food sector, the most argued point in favour of allowing MNCs to come into retail, is essentially the ability to mechanise food production. You can’t run tractors over elevated boundaries every few metres. Refrigeration and ancillary technologies will come and is coming whether MNCs are here or not, maybe quicker with MNCs but not sure.

To increase productivity in the food sector large areas of land is required for mechanised farming.  This is not available in India.

The answer is to procure land elsewhere, China as usual is ahead of us but we are not that behind.

Google or check this – one of the random sites on googling.

http://www.networkideas.org/featart/aug2011/Rick_Rowden.pdf

It is going to be no different if you allow Walmart into India, it is only a factor of time and amount of investment. Walmart may buy some/most of the players because of their financial clout, but the inherent policy is the same.

It is no good only opposing the entry of foreign MNCs in the India retail market, if you are worried about capitalism taking hold. If you want change, go against everyone including the Tata’s, Birlas and Ambani’s.

My view: Let them all in, Rat vs Rat, may the better rat win.
« Last Edit: December 08, 2011, 10:58:49 PM by inoc »
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feverpitch

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #98 on: December 09, 2011, 09:11:08 AM »
Coming back after a long time.

Some of you guys have got this upside down. It is not a question of whether Walmart etc are allowed in to India. The Indian business houses in the retail market will use exactly the same tactics as Walmart (as someone posted, it isn’t a secret is it?) and are preparing to do so.


Completely agree. Kept saying the same all along.

MNC retail giants will possibly have more money power, or willing to invest more money immediately to start the changes earlier.  Which in turn might benefit whoever is supposed to benefit in this regard - read farmers not middlemen, by increasing less loss/waste.


Sure, farmers will benefit. In the short run. In the long run, with consolidation and monopolisation of resources—as has already happened in the US at the consumer level—farmers will become pawns in the hands of the big retailers. So will consumers, as prices at Walmart in the US in recent times show.

But the real middlemen/dalaals, ie, the politicians, will gain the first, and the most.

Why? Because past experience shows that the various genuine and excellent safeguards that are there in the FDI Bill fine print, which I now have read in full, will, as with so many other such noble efforts, be gradually removed once the main bill gets passed. And on each occasion, some minister or other will earn a hefty bribe. This gradual phasing out of fine print has already happened in the insurance, banking and several other sectors, and on each occasion, without any discussion in the Parliament. In other words, given the venal nature of our politicians, it can safely be said that the safeguards as they exist now, are being used as a fig leaf. This is the brutal reality of our country.

The biggest problem in India to start a large-scale improvement in mass produce is land acquisition.


It is one problem, but not the biggest, I'd say. Most likely, their model will not be the same as in the US. They'll have smaller shops like More (in India) and Walgreens (in USA). But the back end clean up, which requires a quantum leap in cold storage infrastructure (which I'm sure can be hastened with FDI) will need the kinds of power production that India doesn't have, leading to hastening of privatisation of power across India. And this is one devil that has already been tried at several places with devastating effects. Think Dabhol (which wanted to sell at 8 times the govt rate, and ultimately got the govt to reduce production to force customers to buy from them for more), to the Indraprastha and other Gas power stations in Delhi, run by Reliance KG basin gas, which raised prices ad hoc to double, and is on the verge of raising it again to about 4 times again; or Gurgaon, where power is already the costliest in the country.

Indian companies producing non land oriented produce are already competing with foreign companies at the moment. There is going to be no change there. Anything you buy in India is made in China already if it is cheaper. You do not need Walmart for that.


yes

To improve productivity, in the food sector, the most argued point in favour of allowing MNCs to come into retail, is essentially the ability to mechanise food production. You can’t run tractors over elevated boundaries every few metres.


and MNCs certainly will not be able to change that, unless they consolidate land holdings by getting involved in illegal evictions, the way United Fruit Company did in the banana republics of the Windies.

Refrigeration and ancillary technologies will come and is coming whether MNCs are here or not, maybe quicker with MNCs but not sure.


MNCs like Walmart that are solely into retail (unlike the Tatas and Ambanis, who are into everything), will be forced to offer competitive prices by eventually getting involved in activities that stretch the law, or subvert it (bribery).

To increase productivity in the food sector large areas of land is required for mechanised farming.  This is not available in India.

The answer is to procure land elsewhere, China as usual is ahead of us but we are not that behind.

Google or check this – one of the random sites on googling.

http://www.networkideas.org/featart/aug2011/Rick_Rowden.pdf

It is going to be no different if you allow Walmart into India, it is only a factor of time and amount of investment. Walmart may buy some/most of the players because of their financial clout, but the inherent policy is the same.

It is no good only opposing the entry of foreign MNCs in the India retail market, if you are worried about capitalism taking hold. If you want change, go against everyone including the Tata’s, Birlas and Ambani’s.

My view: Let them all in, Rat vs Rat, may the better rat win.


two arguments here:

First: More rats is more dangerous for the producer and consumer.
Second: If more rats lead to consolidation and oligopolies because of financial clout, that too is bad.
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Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle

Cover Point

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #99 on: December 09, 2011, 05:14:16 PM »
talking of power. Why is cheap power a right? Why should power not reflect market forces. Maybe that will make the Delhi-ites turn down their AC's when they leave the home!
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vincent

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #100 on: December 09, 2011, 06:40:08 PM »
In any case,I do not care if WallMart, Carrefour and Tesco do not get into fresh produce in India which is the primary cause of inflation due to the middlemen who earn twice more than the farmers by doing nothing. I support Organized Retail of any kind. If India is flooded with More's,Easy Day's and Choupal's I will be happy. There is always a room for a Kirana (which is close by), an Open Market (which is as fresh as it gets) and for these kind of organized retail stores (for convenience and comfort of shopping). But without foreign or any other capital even they can not grow fast enough. It will take us 50 Years to get to the level of other emerging countries

Important thing to consider is that, if we have at least 40% organized retail (as opposed to 4% now) which puts us among emerging countries as opposed to backward countries (Pakistan has only 1%), the result will be:

- Farmers do not get exploited by the middlemen and get a fair price

- Farmers get 100% of their produce sold (as opposed to 60% now due to lack of supply chain logistics)

 - Farmers get paid on time as opposed to a year later

- Consumers get what the want - ability to choose from convenience,low price, freshness and good service.

Most important "stake holders" who in this game are the consumers (1.2 Billion) and Farmers (400 Million inclusive in consumers)

The people who make the biggest noice today are the politicians (supported by the money of the middlemen), the middlemen, some Kirana shops (supported by the middlemen) and some leftist ideologists. In democracy noice prevails.
« Last Edit: December 09, 2011, 07:40:04 PM by vincent »
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RicePlateReddy

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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #101 on: December 09, 2011, 09:03:40 PM »
I am not familiar with all the details of the FDI proposal. Here are my takeaways reading some of the issues raised. Please correct me if I am deluded.

1. The current set of middlemen that makes farmers' lives miserable will change. They will become beholden to the corporate retailers. In the long-term, the farmers will still depend on the big-retail procurers and negotiators and history has shown us that they won't be that different from the despicable middlemen that exist, especially if there is poverty and illiteracy that is ripe for exploitation. To avoid this, the fundamental problem is elsewhere -- not in the FDI, non-FDI debate.

2. A lot of existing 'kirana' shops will be under pressure and eventually close down. As pointed out, given the real-estate availability, it is likely that the new corporate retail outlets will follow a Walgreen style store model rather than a Walmart model. Net employment numbers may not be affected for the worse - there will be more employment available via the corporate set-up, but the ownership structure will change. I don't think the kirana shops make huge profits, so we are not going to have high-paying jobs replaced by severely lower paying ones.

3. My personal grouse in this is severe dilution of quality for the consumers. I am sure there are going to be some gains - getting some new product types due to the scale and distribution advantages of the corporates, but this is going to be quickly offset by ridiculous quality Chinese junk being shoved down the consumers throats. I suspect that the default non-perishable Made in China item available in the store will be a western-market reject. And it is not like the Western market products are themselves acceptable. The Chinese have perfected the art of passing all sorts of toxic, non-robust junk as something it isn't. Their "stainless steel" rusts and if it doesn't appears like hard plastic with a metallic paint over it. Their plastic products are notorious for their toxicity. Their textile content labeling is deceptive. With all its limitations, Indian products are relatively more authentic. This cannot be good news for Salem Steel and the Trichy cotton industry, and therefore can't be good news for the non-flashy consumer.

I'd be all for foreign entrants if China can somehow be kept out. (And to think which fool had a Chinese handle all these days  :o)
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #102 on: December 10, 2011, 07:24:27 AM »
I am not familiar with all the details of the FDI proposal. Here are my takeaways reading some of the issues raised. Please correct me if I am deluded.

You are. Deluded, that is. In thinking that you can somehow influence Walmart shareholders using reason.

1. The current set of middlemen that makes farmers' lives miserable will change. They will become beholden to the corporate retailers. In the long-term, the farmers will still depend on the big-retail procurers and negotiators and history has shown us that they won't be that different from the despicable middlemen that exist, especially if there is poverty and illiteracy that is ripe for exploitation. To avoid this, the fundamental problem is elsewhere -- not in the FDI, non-FDI debate.

Agreed. Now run to some other forum to spread your vile communist propa*a, lest you are called a Ganguly fanboy, luddite, Un American (from HUAC)... etc...

2. A lot of existing 'kirana' shops will be under pressure and eventually close down. As pointed out, given the real-estate availability, it is likely that the new corporate retail outlets will follow a Walgreen style store model rather than a Walmart model. Net employment numbers may not be affected for the worse - there will be more employment available via the corporate set-up, but the ownership structure will change. I don't think the kirana shops make huge profits, so we are not going to have high-paying jobs replaced by severely lower paying ones.

In other words you're suggesting that there will be no net gain in terms of unemployment, at the least.

3. My personal grouse in this is severe dilution of quality for the consumers. I am sure there are going to be some gains - getting some new product types due to the scale and distribution advantages of the corporates, but this is going to be quickly offset by ridiculous quality Chinese junk being shoved down the consumers throats. I suspect that the default non-perishable Made in China item available in the store will be a western-market reject. And it is not like the Western market products are themselves acceptable. The Chinese have perfected the art of passing all sorts of toxic, non-robust junk as something it isn't. Their "stainless steel" rusts and if it doesn't appears like hard plastic with a metallic paint over it. Their plastic products are notorious for their toxicity. Their textile content labeling is deceptive. With all its limitations, Indian products are relatively more authentic. This cannot be good news for Salem Steel and the Trichy cotton industry, and therefore can't be good news for the non-flashy consumer.

You're about 550-600 years late. Chinese junks were already circumnavigating the globe before Vasco da Gama went to the drama and opened his... :P

If you're indeed the the non-flashy consumer you claim to be, you must surely be a pariah amongst your fellow American desis.

I'd be all for foreign entrants if China can somehow be kept out. (And to think which fool had a Chinese handle all these days  :o)

Racist!
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #103 on: December 10, 2011, 07:27:41 AM »
talking of power. Why is cheap power a right? Why should power not reflect market forces. Maybe that will make the Delhi-ites turn down their AC's when they leave the home!

Why don't you keep your mind busy with your next mujra performance.

Power is already sold at market rates in the metros. It's just that pvt players, like cry babies and 'Merkins, want 'better' rates, or else they won't play.
« Last Edit: December 10, 2011, 02:16:22 PM by feverpitch »
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #104 on: December 10, 2011, 07:33:22 AM »
In any case,I do not care if WallMart, Carrefour and Tesco do not get into fresh produce in India which is the primary cause of inflation due to the middlemen who earn twice more than the farmers by doing nothing. I support Organized Retail of any kind. If India is flooded with More's,Easy Day's and Choupal's I will be happy. There is always a room for a Kirana (which is close by), an Open Market (which is as fresh as it gets) and for these kind of organized retail stores (for convenience and comfort of shopping). But without foreign or any other capital even they can not grow fast enough. It will take us 50 Years to get to the level of other emerging countries

Hmmm.... So if even after organised retail can't garner more than 4-5% after 5 years in business, as is the case now, you will demand change in the rules of the game (as you're doing now) until you reach the magic figure of 40%? That's a very democratic and liberal notion. More power to you! Where did you pick up your trade: Berlin 1933 or under Friedman at U Chicago?

Important thing to consider is that, if we have at least 40% organized retail (as opposed to 4% now) which puts us among emerging countries as opposed to backward countries (Pakistan has only 1%), the result will be:

- Farmers do not get exploited by the middlemen and get a fair price
- Farmers get 100% of their produce sold (as opposed to 60% now due to lack of supply chain logistics)
 - Farmers get paid on time as opposed to a year later
- Consumers get what the want - ability to choose from convenience,low price, freshness and good service.
Most important "stake holders" who in this game are the consumers (1.2 Billion) and Farmers (400 Million inclusive in consumers)
The people who make the biggest noice today are the politicians (supported by the money of the middlemen), the middlemen, some Kirana shops (supported by the middlemen) and some leftist ideologists. In democracy noice prevails.

I seem to remember you were vehemently opposed to the Singur/Nandigram movements. Had you misplaced your love for farmers then? Or is this a twice-born, Brahmin thinggy?
« Last Edit: December 10, 2011, 02:19:13 PM by feverpitch »
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #105 on: December 10, 2011, 03:07:21 PM »
I am not familiar with all the details of the FDI proposal. Here are my takeaways reading some of the issues raised. Please correct me if I am deluded.


You are. Deluded, that is. In thinking that you can somehow influence Walmart shareholders using reason.


I don't intend to influence anyone in this debate!


Quote
3. My personal grouse in this is severe dilution of quality for the consumers. I am sure there are going to be some gains - getting some new product types due to the scale and distribution advantages of the corporates, but this is going to be quickly offset by ridiculous quality Chinese junk being shoved down the consumers throats. I suspect that the default non-perishable Made in China item available in the store will be a western-market reject. And it is not like the Western market products are themselves acceptable. The Chinese have perfected the art of passing all sorts of toxic, non-robust junk as something it isn't. Their "stainless steel" rusts and if it doesn't appears like hard plastic with a metallic paint over it. Their plastic products are notorious for their toxicity. Their textile content labeling is deceptive. With all its limitations, Indian products are relatively more authentic. This cannot be good news for Salem Steel and the Trichy cotton industry, and therefore can't be good news for the non-flashy consumer.


You're about 550-600 years late. Chinese junks were already circumnavigating the globe before Vasco da Gama went to the drama and opened his... :P


Good one. True that.

Quote
If you're indeed the the non-flashy consumer you claim to be, you must surely be a pariah amongst your fellow American desis.


There seems to be an inherent contradiction when I say Chinese junk and flashy consumer. What I really meant was that a majority of the Chinese products in these stores are junk. And consumers will eventually realize it. However, if the stores are labeled as German or Amreekan, for a while, it will attract the Indian wannabe-flashy-imitate-the-west consumer. Not making a value judgement about their motivation; pitying them in advance though for the Chinese-powered tsunami about to wash them away.

Quote
I'd be all for foreign entrants if China can somehow be kept out. (And to think which fool had a Chinese handle all these days  :o)


Racist!


Guilty as charged. Re. China, I have Andy Grove for company (some of his points in the article are relevant to the FDI debate too). http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/content/10_28/b4186048358596.htm
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #106 on: December 10, 2011, 03:20:22 PM »
There seems to be an inherent contradiction when I say Chinese junk and flashy consumer. What I really meant was that a majority of the Chinese products in these stores are junk. And consumers will eventually realize it. However, if the stores are labeled as German or Amreekan, for a while, it will attract the Indian wannabe-flashy-imitate-the-west consumer. Not making a value judgement about their motivation; pitying them in advance though for the Chinese-powered tsunami about to wash them away.

I understand what you mean. Incidentally, the Chinese white goods giant Haier (with the umlaut), clearly tries to pass off as German in the Indian market. Indians are not far, though, with Ludhiana's own Moser Baer also going the Teutonic way.

But to be fair, you can disparage the Chinese & 'Merkin stuff after spending years abroad. Why deny Happy Singh and Murugan their shot at glory wearing the Amreekan flag in their chaddi bought from the Dollar Store... as some may argue.
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #107 on: December 10, 2011, 07:58:37 PM »
In any case,I do not care if WallMart, Carrefour and Tesco do not get into fresh produce in India which is the primary cause of inflation due to the middlemen who earn twice more than the farmers by doing nothing. I support Organized Retail of any kind. If India is flooded with More's,Easy Day's and Choupal's I will be happy. There is always a room for a Kirana (which is close by), an Open Market (which is as fresh as it gets) and for these kind of organized retail stores (for convenience and comfort of shopping). But without foreign or any other capital even they can not grow fast enough. It will take us 50 Years to get to the level of other emerging countries

Hmmm.... So if even after organised retail can't garner more than 4-5% after 5 years in business, as is the case now, you will demand change in the rules of the game (as you're doing now) until you reach the magic figure of 40%? That's a very democratic and liberal notion. More power to you! Where did you pick up your trade: Berlin 1933 or under Friedman at U Chicago?

Important thing to consider is that, if we have at least 40% organized retail (as opposed to 4% now) which puts us among emerging countries as opposed to backward countries (Pakistan has only 1%), the result will be:

- Farmers do not get exploited by the middlemen and get a fair price
- Farmers get 100% of their produce sold (as opposed to 60% now due to lack of supply chain logistics)
 - Farmers get paid on time as opposed to a year later
- Consumers get what the want - ability to choose from convenience,low price, freshness and good service.
Most important "stake holders" who in this game are the consumers (1.2 Billion) and Farmers (400 Million inclusive in consumers)
The people who make the biggest noice today are the politicians (supported by the money of the middlemen), the middlemen, some Kirana shops (supported by the middlemen) and some leftist ideologists. In democracy noice prevails.

I seem to remember you were vehemently opposed to the Singur/Nandigram movements. Had you misplaced your love for farmers then? Or is this a twice-born, Brahmin thinggy?


Personal insults seem to be your main hobby on this DG - in this case calling everyone a "Nazi" if he does not agree with your Commie views. Good luck with this habbit.

I have no idea what Nandigram is. As far as Singur is conerned,I stand by my views. It is your own Commie Government that messed up the whole land acquisition business which other states seem to have no problem with. Tata's have nothing to do with that except that they lost a year in introducing the Nano. The Commies have driven Bengal to the bottom of Indian states in terms of development no matter in which area including Agriculture. So, do not blame the Corporations like Tata's for it.
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #108 on: December 11, 2011, 05:09:10 PM »
In any case,I do not care if WallMart, Carrefour and Tesco do not get into fresh produce in India which is the primary cause of inflation due to the middlemen who earn twice more than the farmers by doing nothing. I support Organized Retail of any kind. If India is flooded with More's,Easy Day's and Choupal's I will be happy. There is always a room for a Kirana (which is close by), an Open Market (which is as fresh as it gets) and for these kind of organized retail stores (for convenience and comfort of shopping). But without foreign or any other capital even they can not grow fast enough. It will take us 50 Years to get to the level of other emerging countries

Hmmm.... So if even after organised retail can't garner more than 4-5% after 5 years in business, as is the case now, you will demand change in the rules of the game (as you're doing now) until you reach the magic figure of 40%? That's a very democratic and liberal notion. More power to you! Where did you pick up your trade: Berlin 1933 or under Friedman at U Chicago?

Important thing to consider is that, if we have at least 40% organized retail (as opposed to 4% now) which puts us among emerging countries as opposed to backward countries (Pakistan has only 1%), the result will be:

- Farmers do not get exploited by the middlemen and get a fair price
- Farmers get 100% of their produce sold (as opposed to 60% now due to lack of supply chain logistics)
 - Farmers get paid on time as opposed to a year later
- Consumers get what the want - ability to choose from convenience,low price, freshness and good service.
Most important "stake holders" who in this game are the consumers (1.2 Billion) and Farmers (400 Million inclusive in consumers)
The people who make the biggest noice today are the politicians (supported by the money of the middlemen), the middlemen, some Kirana shops (supported by the middlemen) and some leftist ideologists. In democracy noice prevails.

I seem to remember you were vehemently opposed to the Singur/Nandigram movements. Had you misplaced your love for farmers then? Or is this a twice-born, Brahmin thinggy?


Personal insults seem to be your main hobby on this DG - in this case calling everyone a "Nazi" if he does not agree with your Commie views. Good luck with this habbit.

I have no idea what Nandigram is. As far as Singur is conerned,I stand by my views. It is your own Commie Government that messed up the whole land acquisition business which other states seem to have no problem with. Tata's have nothing to do with that except that they lost a year in introducing the Nano. The Commies have driven Bengal to the bottom of Indian states in terms of development no matter in which area including Agriculture. So, do not blame the Corporations like Tata's for it.

I have said this before, and I'll say this again. On no thread in the past 2-3 years will you find me starting the name-calling. But yes, once someone does, I come back hard at him/her.

For example, on this thread, who addressed me as 'leftist ideologue' first?

As for Nandigram, the fact that you admit to not knowing about it, can be generally accepted by DG regulars here as your complete and utter lack of knowledge about India and its present reality. Of course, that doesn't stop you from spewing your 'opinions' and 'advice' about the same. Enuff said.

And so now you end up calling me commie. Since this is one issue—ie, your supreme lack of knowledge about anything left of Margaret Thatcher—which I have  dealt with in the past, with you as well as others here, I'll assume your present canard is nothing short of mischief.

Incidentally, the party that perpetrated Singur/Nandigram was not 'mine'. The government was mine, though I hate to say so, and I certainly didn't vote it in. But that is what liberal democracy is supposed to be, right? Or will you now, in your zeal for economic liberalisation, trash democracy for not fitting neatly into your worldview? In any case, on this DG, I have been the most consistent and stringent critic of both incidents right from the beginning. Just do your research and you'll know what I'm talking about.

Then, just to display your utter lack of knowledge about present Indian reality to everyone, let me point out to you (as I have done earlier in other threads, but some suckers keep coming back for punishment) that Singur may have been the first, but it has ignited hundred agitations nationwide against land grab, or provided the media focus they lacked earlier. Whether it be in Haryana, Noida, Niyamgiri, or Chhatisgarh, and for that matter even in Sanand, Gujarat (presumably your favourite state) where Tatas shifted their Nano factory to—Singur has ensured that no multibillionaire businessman-patriot can get a freebie on land. In other words, you can dream on about the freebies.

Finally, it would be nice if you stayed away from topics about which you have no idea, instead of avoiding uncomfortable questions as you've done on this thread, with ad hominem attacks.

I guess it's time now for you to go back to suck Dame Maggie's (shrivelled) teats...
« Last Edit: December 12, 2011, 07:13:58 AM by feverpitch »
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #109 on: December 12, 2011, 11:05:56 AM »
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?279275


OPINION

But The Forbidden Apple Doesn’t Taste Like An Apple!

In worshipping at the altar of big retail, and its clinical efficiency, Britons bartered away vital nodes of their local economic and cultural life

PETER WILBY



Next to the motor car, nothing has so transformed the British environment over the past 40 years than the rise of the supermarket. The retail sector in the UK is controlled by four chains, with Tesco the dominant player. Between them, they sell 76 per cent of our food. When other, smaller supermarket chains are introduced to the equation, the proportion rises to 97 per cent.

Independent retailers of food have nearly gone extinct. Butchers, fishmongers, greengrocers and independent bakeries have seen a 90 per cent decline in their numbers since the 1950s. There are fewer than 4,000 greengrocers left in the whole of Britain. The small town where I live on the fringes of London now has no independent butcher. When I moved there in the 1970s, it had six. The big chains have moved beyond foodstuff, beverages and household goods into clothing, medicines, petrol, banking, newspapers, magazines and insurance. In doing so, they have become threats to small shops and service outlets of all kinds. In many areas, the only surviving small shops are run by people of Asian origin who, as well as having strong family support structures that allow them to compete with the supermarkets’ long hours and low costs, can supply the specialised needs of minority communities. The New Economics Foundation think-tank has described the decline of the independent retailer as “something equivalent to a mass extinction in nature”.

Most British families now shop weekly—at most; and if they have sufficiently large freezers, they may do all their shopping by car in a single monthly trip. They drive to the large supermarkets, which have the widest choice, the lowest prices and the longest opening hours (in some cases, 24 hours a day). Many supermarkets are situated on the outer limits of towns and cannot be reached except by private car. This leads to an increase in traffic congestion—as does the supermarkets’ use of big lorries to transport food and other supplies from centralised distribution points—and makes private ownership of a car a virtual necessity in rural areas.

The effect on town and city centres has been devastating. Many have been denuded of small shops, particularly the independent, locally owned ones, since only specialist chains—which sell pharma drugs, hardware, clothes, footwear or books, for instance—can hope to compete with supermarket prices. Non-retail local businesses suffer too: plumbers, decorators, builders, window-cleaners, accountants and lawyers lose their biggest and most reliable customers. Only in large cities, and in particular those with significant minority populations, do distinctive small shops and businesses survive. In the Midlands city of Leicester, for example, the large Hindu population supports a range of food and clothes shops and restaurants as well as suppliers of various services to the retail sector, on a mile-long stretch of roadway that reaches into the city centre. And small shops, selling distinctive food to “niche markets”, remain plentiful in the more affluent sections of London.
The English village, however, no longer has any shops at all. Milk and fresh vegetables can sometimes be bought from an annexe to the local pub, but even that quintessentially English institution, traditionally the hub of community life alongside (and often physically close to) the church, is in steep decline. For the first time in a thousand years, more than half of Britain’s villages have no pubs. And again, the supermarkets are largely to blame because they sell beer and wine at prices far lower than what the pubs can afford to match. Many suburban areas too, especially those where people on modest incomes live in post-Second World War housing, have become “food deserts”, where no food of any sort, and certainly not fresh meat and vegetables, can be bought within reasonable walking distance.

Small producers suffer almost as much as small retailers do. Unless they can sell to at least one of the big chains, they are likely to face ruination. The supermarkets ruthlessly use their power to drive down prices and dictate what is produced. Inevitably, they favour the big “agribusinesses”. The independent farmer has all but vanished from the British countryside just as the independent retailer has disappeared from the high street.

What attracts consumers to the supermarkets is obvious: the prices, the convenience, the range of choice and the guaranteed standards. Older generations of Britons remember the shops of the 1950s, where the service was surly, the choice limited, the hygiene unreliable and the food far from fresh. But some of what supermarkets offer is illusory. It is possible, for instance, to buy almost any fruit or vegetable you care to name at any time of the year. But, to take just one example, though England has one of the best apple-growing climates in the world, and once produced several hundred different varieties of the fruit, the majority of apples now sold here come from overseas, sometimes from as far away as the US or New Zealand. Numerous varieties of the English apple have disappeared because supermarkets choose only those that look good and can be transported without bruising. A handful of rather bland and oversweet varieties dominate the market. As one critic observed, it is a miracle of modernity that it provides an infinite choice of foods from across the world, but nothing that actually tastes like an apple.

The same can be said of other supermarket foods: produced for a mass market, they often look better than they taste. Nor are the price advantages entirely straightforward. Because supermarkets have flooded the market with “ready meals”, which require nothing more than a few minutes of heating in a microwave, millions of younger Britons no longer know how to cook from scratch using raw ingredients or even how to make a salad. They, therefore, pay for pre-packed meals a price many times greater than they would pay if they prepared the food themselves.

Supermarkets have also changed the shopping experience in another, more profound sense. They have removed the small, casual, but sometimes highly meaningful, human encounters—which may occur in shops or on the way to them—that help bind a community together. According to a US study, the opening of a big supermarket is followed by a decline in the numbers taking part in campaigns, church services, charitable activities and even voting turnouts. Tesco, asda (a Walmart subsidiary) and other chains have reduced shopping to a matter of speed and price comparison. Even the most rudimentary of human contact is reduced by the advent of self-service checkout counters.

Public opposition to the dominance of supermarkets—“Tescoisation”, it is sometimes called—has grown in recent years. The very few communities that still have thriving local shopping centres, free of significant supermarket competitors, fight hard against plans for a new retail giant. In one area, there were even riots this year against a Tesco opening. But the big four have become too rich and powerful and no government dares confront them or levy new taxes to discourage them. Local authorities find that supermarkets can circumvent planning controls, sometimes by buying land and leaving it derelict for a time before they apply for building permission, sometimes by bribing councils (and, indirectly, taxpayers) by offering to pay for new sports centres or roads.

The clinching argument offered by retail chains has always been that they provide what the consumer wants. And, in a sense, they do. But what people want as consumers may not be what they want as producers, business owners, parents, motorists, pedestrians or, above all, as citizens.


(The author is former editor of the Independent on Sunday and New Statesman, and a columnist with New Statesman and the Guardian).
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #110 on: December 12, 2011, 10:37:02 PM »
talking of power. Why is cheap power a right? Why should power not reflect market forces. Maybe that will make the Delhi-ites turn down their AC's when they leave the home!

Why don't you keep your mind busy with your next mujra performance.

Power is already sold at market rates in the metros. It's just that pvt players, like cry babies and 'Merkins, want 'better' rates, or else they won't play.

Have you gotten tired of being raped in the fields of your favorite state? Why would anyone want to watch your mujra. Dont you realize that no one is interested in you since you are now a washed up even as a prostitute?

And it is interesting to read about market rates right after you talk about companies asking for power rates. Ur small brain probably cant understand the inherent issue here. Let me just say .... allow competition and the rates will be fair. Just like you have seen a drop in your prostitution business as soon as other women showed up!
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #111 on: December 13, 2011, 06:48:02 AM »
talking of power. Why is cheap power a right? Why should power not reflect market forces. Maybe that will make the Delhi-ites turn down their AC's when they leave the home!


Why don't you keep your mind busy with your next mujra performance.

Power is already sold at market rates in the metros. It's just that pvt players, like cry babies and 'Merkins, want 'better' rates, or else they won't play.


Have you gotten tired of being raped in the fields of your favorite state? Why would anyone want to watch your mujra. Dont you realize that no one is interested in you since you are now a washed up even as a prostitute?

And it is interesting to read about market rates right after you talk about companies asking for power rates. Ur small brain probably cant understand the inherent issue here. Let me just say .... allow competition and the rates will be fair. Just like you have seen a drop in your prostitution business as soon as other women showed up!


Chhammak Chhallo, for you, there is always the Muff March:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/the-womens-blog-with-jane-martinson/2011/dec/08/muff-march-designer-vagina-surgery?INTCMP=SRCH
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #112 on: December 13, 2011, 03:18:57 PM »
talking of power. Why is cheap power a right? Why should power not reflect market forces. Maybe that will make the Delhi-ites turn down their AC's when they leave the home!


Why don't you keep your mind busy with your next mujra performance.

Power is already sold at market rates in the metros. It's just that pvt players, like cry babies and 'Merkins, want 'better' rates, or else they won't play.


Have you gotten tired of being raped in the fields of your favorite state? Why would anyone want to watch your mujra. Dont you realize that no one is interested in you since you are now a washed up even as a prostitute?

And it is interesting to read about market rates right after you talk about companies asking for power rates. Ur small brain probably cant understand the inherent issue here. Let me just say .... allow competition and the rates will be fair. Just like you have seen a drop in your prostitution business as soon as other women showed up!


Chhammak Chhallo, for you, there is always the Muff March:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/the-womens-blog-with-jane-martinson/2011/dec/08/muff-march-designer-vagina-surgery?INTCMP=SRCH


Dont tell me you are blaming you not shaving there for the lack of your business. It is indeed just because of your ugly looks!
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #113 on: December 14, 2011, 03:53:26 AM »
I think Left Government was pretty much well ahead in terms of trying to sell the country - UPA seems to just following left footsteps :)

Basu govt’s AMRI sweet deal

Lollipop of a lease, locked for 30 years


Calcutta, Dec. 13: The Jyoti Basu government had handed over the Dhakuria land to AMRI in an unusual deal that locked the annual lease rent at Rs 9.94 lakh — 16 times less than the current market lease rate.

Few lease agreements freeze the rent for more than five years. But AMRI Hospitals, Dhakuria, was allowed a flat rate of Rs 6.40 lakh for one parcel of land and Rs 3.54 lakh for another for a long period of 30 years.

The deals for 81.55 cottahs were struck in 1994 and 1998, when Basu was chief minister. This means AMRI needs to pay only Rs 9.94 lakh for the two plots — one of which houses the annexe in which 90 people choked to death — till at least the year 2024. The current market lease rent itself works out to Rs 1.63 crore, against which AMRI is paying less than Rs 10 lakh now.

Another inexplicable element: the higher Rs 6.40 lakh had been set for the smaller parcel (27.55 cottahs where the main building is located) in 1994. The bigger chunk (54 cottahs that house annexe I and II) was given away for a lease rent of Rs 3.54 lakh four years later.


The 1994 deal more or less stuck to the then market lease rent (Rs 6.88 lakh). But the 1998 agreement — even after giving some allowance that the plot was not by the roadside — was as sweet as it could get because the market rate then was Rs 13.5 lakh or nearly Rs 10 lakh more than what the government asked AMRI to fork out.

But the most confounding feature of the agreement is the flat lease rate for 30 years, which goes against the normal practice of revising the rates at regular intervals.

The Singur lease the Left government — by then the baton had passed to Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee — had agreed upon with the Tatas, who had to be wooed assiduously in the face of intense competition from other states, had a clause to revise the rate after the initial five years.

The startling revelations on the AMRI land deal have been thrown up by an internal audit conducted by the finance department in November.

The then government may have had some justification initially as the hospital was conceived as a joint sector project in which the state held 26 per cent. However, by 2007, that fig leaf had also practically withered away as the government’s stake had come down to 1.9 per cent.

According to filings by the company, the R.S. Goenka and R.S. Agarwal families, which own the Emami group, have a 66 per cent stake in AMRI Hospitals. The S.K. Todi family owns around 32 per cent.

“Although the Left government allowed repeated modifications in the agreement with the private promoters as its stake in the project plummeted, it never thought of revising the lease rent it charged the private promoters,” said a finance department official, who was part of the team that conducted the audit.

The absence of any provision for periodic review ensured that the rent remained undisturbed while market rates soared in the prized area.

“A lease rent of around Rs 10 lakh for around 82 cottahs in an area where a cottah sells in excess of Rs 50 lakh is unheard of. The deal could not have been sweeter,” said a senior official in the land and land reforms department.

According to him, if the provisions in the land reform manual are followed, the lease rent of a plot, excluding the building, should be 4 per cent of the current market value.

“Such concessional lease rents are allowed only under political compulsions,” said another official in the department.

The proximity of S.K. Todi, one of the promoters of AMRI Hospitals and a director now in police custody, with Basu was well known. Although Todi’s closeness with the CPM waned since Bhattacharjee became chief minister, the Left government is not known to have made any attempt to review the hospital’s lease rent.

“The decision to offer a discount would have made sense had the government either increased or retained its share in the hospital. But this is a classic case in which the government lost out on rent and sharing of profits,” said a finance department official, who had studied the documents dating back to the time when AMRI Hospitals was known as Niramoy Group of Institutions.

The Left Front government had acquired it in 1991 in an attempt to provide “affordable healthcare” to the people and brought in private partners — led by the Todis of Shrachi Group — in 1994.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1111214/jsp/frontpage/story_14879228.jsp
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #114 on: December 14, 2011, 06:50:03 AM »
I am surprised Telegraph is doing this story now, and that too only about AMRI, not also about the other pvt hospitals that have sprung up all over the city. Or maybe I shouldn't be that surprised.

After all, the ABP's own plot in Rajarhaat is also a result of such a sweet deal. Just as R P Goenka's majority stake as a silent partner, that was invested in ABP in 1982 at the behest of Jyoti Babu, which helped them tide over the financial crisis that had forced them to sell Hindustan Standard, their english language newspaper at that time, which was then resurrected the very next year as the Telegraph.

Also, why no mention of the fact that AMRI was originally called Niramoy, a govt run centralised pathology centre for Kolkata, where all equipment was bought with tax money and then immediately 49% sold off to pvt investors in a Pvt-Public Partnership deal, but not taking the investment in new equipment into account. That relatives of several CPM bigwigs had stakes (including son-in-law of Amitava Nandy, ex-MP). That the 51% share of the Govt was silently and slowly sold off (exactly the way the CPM blame the Centre to have sold off other national assets), with the said son-in-law acting as middleman-facilitator, so that Marwari businessmen-patriots could then pick up the shares to run it the way they did.

We live in a country where big business and politicians have cartelised and have been selling the country piecemeal to the highest bidder, with the media acting as bridesmaid, holding the veil over the rape.
« Last Edit: December 14, 2011, 07:27:12 AM by feverpitch »
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #115 on: December 15, 2011, 12:39:11 AM »
Coming back after a long time.

Some of you guys have got this upside down. It is not a question of whether Walmart etc are allowed in to India. The Indian business houses in the retail market will use exactly the same tactics as Walmart (as someone posted, it isn’t a secret is it?) and are preparing to do so.

Completely agree. Kept saying the same all along.

Quote

since you completely agree with what I said above, you need to clarify what you represent.

If you disagree with the principles of both reliance and walmart, indigenous and foreign, just to name two companies for clarity, it is an acceptable stance in my opinion, debatable but acceptable nevertheless.

if your stance is against walmart, read foreign companies only, then I beg to differ.

the rest of my post and yours is irrelevant before we clear this dichotomy.
« Last Edit: December 15, 2011, 12:43:59 AM by inoc »
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #116 on: December 15, 2011, 07:21:45 AM »
Coming back after a long time.

Some of you guys have got this upside down. It is not a question of whether Walmart etc are allowed in to India. The Indian business houses in the retail market will use exactly the same tactics as Walmart (as someone posted, it isn’t a secret is it?) and are preparing to do so.

Completely agree. Kept saying the same all along.


since you completely agree with what I said above, you need to clarify what you represent.

If you disagree with the principles of both reliance and walmart, indigenous and foreign, just to name two companies for clarity, it is an acceptable stance in my opinion, debatable but acceptable nevertheless.

if your stance is against walmart, read foreign companies only, then I beg to differ.

the rest of my post and yours is irrelevant before we clear this dichotomy.

Why? Within the parameters of the debate, my personal view is irrelevant, isn't it? As far as the debate is concerned, I think I have clarified several times that I see no difference between phoren and desi MNC big retailers, especially in the Indian context. kapische?
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #117 on: December 15, 2011, 07:23:27 AM »
However, inoc, I am yet to get any satisfactory answers to the several questions I've raised. I'll wait...
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #118 on: December 17, 2011, 02:28:03 PM »
However, inoc, I am yet to get any satisfactory answers to the several questions I've raised. I'll wait...

 :hmh:

::zzz:: ::zzz:: ::zzz::
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Re: UPA continues to sell the country
« Reply #119 on: December 19, 2011, 08:52:46 PM »
However, inoc, I am yet to get any satisfactory answers to the several questions I've raised. I'll wait...

 :hmh:

::zzz:: ::zzz:: ::zzz::

Feverpitch,

Sorry for taking this long to answer your question. Unfortunately I don’t have the time to come and check posts here everyday. I would like to but hey.

Since I posted in this thread I have to come here as often as possible. So, please excuse the delay.

I can and could have answered the points you raised, here is a sample.

1.   Politicians will gain.
 - anything new

2.   Energy prices will be controlled by vested interests.
- OK, they will be anyway, do you know a way to stop that.

3.   and MNCs certainly will not be able to change that, unless they consolidate land holdings by getting involved in illegal evictions, the way United Fruit Company did in the banana republics of the Windies.

-   and what do you think the indian companies are going to do. Anything different my friend.

4.   MNCs like Walmart that are solely into retail (unlike the Tatas and Ambanis, who are into everything), will be forced to offer competitive prices by eventually getting involved in activities that stretch the law, or subvert it (bribery).

-   this is the most ridiculous argument I have heard. Whatever a company is into…..it will still try and make the most of any other venture they get into. Just because, Tata makes cars it will not take the foot of the pedal in retail. You are wrong here.

5.   two arguments here:

First: More rats is more dangerous for the producer and consumer.


- where did you get this from, all available knowledge discounts that, unless you believe in a state owned economy, read no other rats, which you may well do, and regardless of the theoretical basis of such an assumption, all political models to that effect have failed. China is not an example, because, it is NOW a capitalistic model in disguise, with oppression thrown in.

Second: If more rats lead to consolidation and oligopolies because of financial clout, that too is bad.

-   yes and no.
generally speaking more rats should benefit the customer. Show me where this is not true.

one rat in the game can price fix. thats why monopoly commissions exist, to prevent that from happening.

One rat with a monopoly is different, forced monopoly is worse still.


Now that I have answered the questions you put forward, which, by the way I did not think needed answering, can you answer my question?

If the foreign players are as bad as the Indian players in this market as your posts seem to confirm…..Why are you against them in the first place.

Why is Walmart any worse than Spencers?

PS: Since I was arguing that there was no difference amongst Western players and the Indian ones, I thought answering your post in detail was not necessary.

If, you are arguing that Indian multinational companies are better than the foreign ones, in which ever way you think they are....then we can have a different discussion.

This is exactly what I had said in my last post, which you failed to grasp, and kept posting......






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